Category Archives: Sample pages


This is a story of war and peace. It may have been the greatest crime of the century after the Bolshevik coup and Russian Revolution and the murder of the Russian Romanov Tsar Nicholas II, his wife Tsarina Alexandra and their five young children: four Grand Duchesses Olga, Anastasia, Tatiana, Marie and the Tsarevich, Alexis.

It is our story. And I want to share it with you now because it is your story too.

What am I to say to you? What?

The spirit of Tchekov, and Doestoevsky and Solzhenitsyn weigh heavy on this tale of more masterly tales preserved by great writers, so many who perished here; Mayakovsky, Mandelstam, Gorky, Bulgakov … Yes! But Pasternak lived through it all. He survived! Stalin didn’t kill him! He didn’t “preserve” him to make him squirm.

Please read, and live! I am in a hurry. It is very cold outside and the fire is burning…

We all live and share it every day of our lives. It is embedded deep in our hearts and minds and in our cultures and history. In one way or an other this story is in us all.

And yet almost nobody knows about it. It was taboo. It was a story not to be told. Even in hushed whispers and lowered eyes an utterance of the truth was strictly forbidden, and maybe get you killed.

What would you think if someone told you they knew rich people in a country investing in a foreign war killing millions of people mostly young and untrained men and at the last minute that country joined the great war to win it, all the while the rich people who occupied the government and owned the factories and businesses of national economy now make a killing in war profits to keep the industrial machine war going, then when they are good and ready lead a million poor souls shipping them far overseas where ten percent them are killed, this over 100,000 of the young men are dead and many thousands more are wounded and maimed for life, and then these same rich men of big corporations and banks who sold the same people and their families paper called Liberty Bonds urging them with great national demonstrations and rallies and advertising with movie star celebrities and banking and business leaders walking hand in hand with government officials and newspapers creating a national war frenzy telling the people they must take a financial stake in the war and make a profit too, so the bankers float and syndicate billions of dollars in war loans and in the chaos of war and destruction these same men stage a coup to take down the largest and richest empire in the world in a strange and distant land, a great power speaking a foreign language among the greatest powers in the world and with the fastest accelerating modern economy yet a great nation of peasants and the bread-basket of Europe, – and these same men who sent the young men to die and urged their families to buy a stake in the war now destroy that foreign empire in their quest for global dominance in the future which they do so successfully killing the royal family of four young daughters and a little boy crown prince, backing a small group of cut-throat penniless wretched professional revolutionaries, bandits and thieves who slaughter a cultured ruling class aristocracy evolved over centuries and these same ideological bandits lead an illiterate rag-tag army promising peace, land and food; then these same people invest in a one-party dictatorship enslaving 160 million people under a system of slave labor and terror, starving millions at the point of bayonet and filling concentration labor camps and massive man-made famine killing some ten million of the best farmers in the land and turn the screws so tight until it is time to win another world war, and this time the same rich people stay out of the war but promise food and aid to the dictatorship bleeding itself to death for claiming victory for themselves, but it is really only a victory of its foreign masters who own the banks and corporations with their politicians that invest in the war factories and the slave dictatorship while their own country is wallowing for years in a terrible economic depression but now having come out of the second war again richer than ever in the entire history of the world, and in fact just so that the population of the foreign rich masters could prosper while these rich masters themselves control the world populations and resources when the dictatorship is used to sustain a world ideology keeping the entire world populations transfixed in a state of paralysis of terror and fear so that the rich masters get even more rich and their population enjoys mindless prosperity all the while the slave population of the dictatorship suffers a most terrible fate as it falls deeper and deeper into a bottomless pit of terror and fear and economic bankruptcy until three generations later their false state collapses. Essentially this is what really happened in the rise and fall of the Soviet Russia and the emergence of the American global empire. But who were these rich and powerful people and how did they do all these terrible things and get away with it and even become the envy of them all these downtrodden and oppressed peoples of the world who marvel at them singing and dancing in the name of Democracy and their national pursuit of happiness and freedom for all?

In Soviet Russia to speak about it meant prison. Likely death. In America to mention it would leave people thinking the subject is too far-fetched to be taken seriously. It seemed too incredible to be believed and people didn’t know what it meant or how to think about it. Both countries were highly brainwashed and suspicious while living in fear though the cultural climate was markedly different then and during the Cold War years leading a half century later to the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991.

To borrow a quote from England’s fearless and unflappable Prime Minister Winston Churchill, a principal actor in this ethos of the World War Two, the 1933 Holodomor Terror-Famine in the Ukraine holds a special place in the heroic and tragic of wartime Russia, always that inscrutable “riddle, wrapped in a mystery, inside an enigma”.

In fact, as the story unfolds it becomes evident that the Holodomor was a vital link compelling Hitler to launch his invasion plan Barbarossa to seize the fertile fields of wheat of the Ukraine (after the spring sowing in 1941) and compelled Roosevelt to make his fatal pact with Stalin beginning officially in 1933, already a one-man cult in the Communist Party hierarchy of the ramshackle rattletrap of Soviet Russia, a year after the 15th anniversary of the Revolution led by Lenin eternally asleep in the Kremlin.

One of the most strange aspects of US government relations towards the USSR prior to the outbreak of World War II is that neither Hoover, nor Stimson nor FDR in these years of the twenties and early thirties of US economic and technological trade collaboration with the Soviets and for the Holodomor years Stalin seldom and very rarely is ever the subject of State Department memoranda nor is Stalin cited in Stimson’s personal diary as I was able to determine for this book during close to a decade of research. Thousands of skilled American workers and engineers lived in the Soviet Union at this time building the new Soviet Socialist dictatorship.

An evil silence pervaded throughout the USSR that shrouded Russian society in secrecy. In both countries of powerful myths and icons the Holodomor story seems to assume a dimension even more evil with time. That is, until now.

Having intercepted German wire transmissions and warned Stalin that Hitler’s imminent invasion of Soviet Russia on June 22, 1941, in a national radio broadcast, Churchill declared, “A wonderful story is unfolding before our eyes. How it will end we are not allowed to know. But on both sides of the Atlantic we all feel, I repeat, all, that we are a part of it, that our future and that of many generations is at stake. We are sure that the character of human society will be shaped by the resolves we take and the deeds we do.”

On the day of invasion Churchill told the world, “This is no class war, but a war in which the whole British Empire and Commonwealth of Nations is engaged without distinction of race, creed or party…if Hitler imagines that his attack on Soviet Russia will cause the slightest division of aims or slackening of effort in the great Democracies who are resolved upon his doom, he is woefully mistaken. On the contrary, we shall be fortified and encouraged in our efforts to rescue mankind from his tyranny.” Before the speech was delivered his personal secretary recalled how Churchill had once said that he had sought to “strangle in its cradle” Bolshevism, Churchill now quipped, “If Hitler invaded Hell, I would make at least a favourable reference to the Devil in the House of Commons.” (“Alliance with Russia”, radio broadcast, June 22, 1941, Never Give In!, ed. Winston S. Churchill, NY: Hyperion, 2003)

With America still on the sidelines CBS newsman Edward R. Murrow on the same day of the invasion gave his radio broadcast with the opener that made him famous “This is London”. In his low gruff voice Murrow said, “As you know, the Prime Minister made a broadcast this evening. Never before has he been so violent in his denunciation of Hitler, whom he termed a bloodthirsty guttersnipe. Mr. Churchill made a solemn prophecy that there would be misery and famine without equal in history; India and China were next on the Nazi list. He said a thousand million more human beings were menaced. The Prime Minister brought all his oratorical power to the appeal for aid to the Soviet Union, which he has always hated– and still does. …What he implied was that the Russians, after all, are human but the Germans aren’t. Russia’s danger, he said, is our danger.” Then Murrow added a recent broadcast statement to America by Churchill, “‘But time is short’. If Russia is beaten quickly and decisively, time will be much shorter.” (In Search of Light, The Broadcasts of Edward R. Murrow 1938-61, Ed. with Intro. by Edward Bliss, Jr., NY: Knopf, 1967, 47-8)

Our story unfolded not long ago during the lives of our parents and their parents in a far away land of buttermilk and honey, happy robust maidens and strong men of the earth, pagan spirits and Christian saints. Fertile farmland enriched by centuries of toil, golden wheat fields in bloom and tall birch forests suddenly poured rivers of blood into the Dnieper River as it flows from the north down into the Black Sea.

We return to a hidden and murky past to find behind dark clouds, sealed vaults and hushed voices the story brought to light of the creation of the world we all inherited and live every day of our lives. As it emerged with new industrial technologies and a capacity for war more violent than ever before seen or imagined by the ordinary illiterate man, this world was heralded the “modern civilization” or “Brave New World’ and took over the landscape with a bold new mythology and borders drawn by prominent generals, bankers and politicians of the era. Little did I know when in my senior year at prep school I was honored with the History Prize – , a classic encyclopedia of mythology, that it would guide me through the illusions and signs of the Cold War. More appropriate perhaps a book on rhetoric, but we already had Wilson’s speeches for that; a few years at Yale under phenomenology professor Edward S. Casey recently at Stony Brook University Manhattan began to make sense of it all.

H. G. Wells along with many great writers both contemporary and past, including George Bernard Shaw, Aldous Huxley, George Orwell, and many others are witness and in some cases even enthusiastic participants as the fascist horror all fell into place during the years of peace and world war promising happiness, prosperity and freedom to the children and future generations after years of terrible cruelty and unspeakable crimes. Never mind. I know what I know and will tell you as it is for you to know the soul of truth in the story that has never been told before as we can know it in our time..

What did we learn?

War is a dirty business. War is good business. Genocide works. Cui bono? To understand it better just remember what the Romans said: “Who benefits?”

Only a few years ago far from Washington and on the opposite side of the world the former President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko declared November 21 a day of national mourning in honor of ten million victims of Terror-Famine of the Ukraine known as the Holodomor (“Death by Hunger” in Ukrainian pronounced with a “G” as in “Golo”). In fact, as terrible as it really was maybe the death toll was as high as 14.5 million as declared by Gorbachev. Impossible? Unthinkable? Or perhaps the true death figure is “between three and six million”. Or, as “claimed from six to eleven million lives, depending on how the estimates are made”. (Martin Malia, The Soviet Tragedy, A History of Socialism in Russia, 1917-1991, NY: Free Press-Macmillan, 1994, 1999;Orest Subtelny, Ukraine, A History, Univ. of Toronto Press,1988, 1994, 415)

The exact number will probably not ever be known. Yet, the Washington-Moscow story of the Holodomor of the 1932-34 years has never been told. That too compounds the shocking truth of regenerated numbers if you think about it. Still, as we untangle the knot of censorship and historical disinformation we find the real story of Genocide in Ukraine embedded in the greater 1933-45 war period of extraordinary Machiavellian strategic political and financial intrigue resulting in the destruction of lives and property reaching epic proportions encompassing the two World Wars. Ukraine was the most ravaged survivor of a doomed planet calling out for help in their most dire time of need.


The Nazi menace tears asunder the work and family of Sigmund Freud. Renowned Austrian psychoanalyst Freud near the end of his life during this time of Nazi persecution of Jews and non-Aryans considered incompatible with German civilization finally must face the mystery and horror of man’s Fate as an exterminator of his own species with an unmitigated destiny doomed by an aggressive will to power and sustained by a lust for the most powerful weapons of destruction. The confrontation of Western man with “the others” does not leave him unaffected nor does he escape untouched by this clash of traditions. On the eve of the outbreak of the Second World War literally at the end of his rope Freud is persuaded by his daughter Anna to abandon his precious library and flee the Nazi takeover of Vienna. He is, he declares, “a godless Jew” who painfully must forsake any role as prophet. Ultimately, and no less ironic to our story, Freud is saved from the death camps by Roosevelt and his intermediaries and escapes from Europe in the darkness on a night train and ship across the Channel to safety in England where soon thereafter in exile he dies safe and free.

Freud seriously ponders what kind of Europe his seven grandchildren would inherit. During the rise of fascism he dreads the lapse of freedom. “But who can foresee the prospects and the outcome?” The question begs to be answered by us all.

We learn how Freud dreads the repressive and brutal tyrants and faces the challenging questions of responsibility of moral choice living under conditions of fascism. His seminal work Civilization and Its Discontents (1930), – you see reader, we are precisely in our own most relevant time here, – should be perceived as a final testament to his investigation of the human conflict between Eros and Death. Remember Freud is the leading psychoanalyst in the West– he invented the practice! – to investigate myths and symbols in the “alien” worlds of the unconscious to grasp the dynamism of man’s destructive psyche “impelled by historical forces other than those which have shaped the history of Western world”. (M. Eliade, Myths Dreams, and Mysteries, 10)

My courage sinks to stand up before my fellow humans as a prophet,” Freud declares, “and I bow before their reproach that I do not know how to bring them consolation – for that is fundamentally what they all demand, the wildest revolutionaries no less passionately than the most conformist pious believers.” When Freud wrote this a maddening arms race and incessant drive of modern progress and technological innovation did not hold out much promise for the future. With less than a decade to live and with mankind now facing nearly insurmountable hurdles, he sighed, “Men have now gone so far in the mastery of natural forces that with their help they could easily exterminate one another to the last man. They know this, hence a large part of their current unrest, their unhappiness, their mood of anxiety.” (Peter Gay, Freud: A Life For Our Time, NY: Norton, 1988, 551-2)

Freud harbored no illusions in the aspirations for the ideal New Proletarian Man (and Woman) construed by the Soviet Russia’s supreme Dictator and the Communist Party, vanguard of the working class and the protagonist of history. “I can recognize its psychological presupposition as an untenable illusion.” As he understood the predicament of civilized humanity when he argues that aggression “was not created by property”, and could not be controlled by it. Aggression, unfortunately, is a peculiar pleasure and man is not inclined to reject it. “They do not feel comfortable without it,”

Freud declares. A compulsion he describes as “the narcissism of small differences” appears to spur men to find certain pleasure in persecuting and torturing others. In another comment he reflects, “all the massacres of Jews in the Middle Ages were not enough to make that age more peaceful and more secure for their Christian comrades.” (P. Gay, Freud, 549)


This is a story your teachers never told you in high school or college. Survivors of Ukraine dispersed living around the world and in their Motherland still whisper chilling memories to their children of the time when they were hungry, sick with bloated bellies, without bread and bodies everywhere. Most of what is taught in American schools about geopolitical history of the last few generations is either a ton of crap to hide the dirt or shrewdly deceptive and misguiding. Computer technology today will aid the avid reader find facts to help navigate an intelligible course through the rocky shoals of treacherous deception and deep uncharted waters. Under all that there are glimmers of the truth like the lotus flower worshiped because it rises above all the mud. From Buddha to Jesus on the cross and Shakespeare they would tell you the same in a proverb.

In Russia the Holodomor is for the most part ignored or forgotten; from Hollywood to New York City the Holodomor truth is overshadowed with an apparently incessant daily news stream of the Jewish Holocaust with no sign of it waning for the future.

And yet this predecessor of the Holocaust was even more horrific preceded the Holocaust by only a few years. There was never a Nuremberg Judgment to condemn it or exorcise the guilt of a Humanity betrayed by Holodomor Genocide perpetuated on an innocent population by Stalin and his world. It was our world, too, torn asunder in a clash of forces, good and evil deeds, and, as this book reveals, a world transfixed in collaboration with the West. It happens during the prewar years of “peace” during the rocking “Roaring Twenties” and the Great Depression. Your teachers most likely never knew about the evil bleak reality shadowed behind the dark clouds. They didn’t want to know the truth until it was too late. It was and has always been taboo. The Consortium had arranged the agenda especially before Genocide ever became a crime in violation of “the laws of Humanity” in the aftermath of World War II in the Nuremberg Judgment trials. Since it was chartered in 1948, the United Nations, another instrument of Consortium work or order the world, has been primarily responsible for the selective processing to prosecute certain nefarious crimes against humanity.

It still is taboo, off the history map in the political lexicon. Rather, it was all taboo but that is now changing today with the transparency accelerated by the Internet and Wikileaks or Facebook and U-tube type organizations with video blogs and news sharing in an endlessly continuous streaming of data files.

Nor did your teachers tell you about the details of American engineers and technicians, thousands of American specialists sent to Russia in the 1928-1934 years of the Five-Year Plans to modernize the Soviet economy during the Hoover and Roosevelt administrations (1928-1945). With their complicit knowledge a small but incredibly wealthy and powerful group of Anglo-American political and industrial leaders secretly helped build the Communist state of terror under Stalin. This clique with a power center based in Washington and led by Roosevelt and his men then rapidly supplied Stalin with everything he needed to slow Hitler’s race to Moscow across Ukraine and the Eastern Front to save Europe and the West from what Churchill called “the curse of Hitler” for “the survival of Christian civilization” from certain destruction and domination by the German Nazi military machine.


No pictures of Consortium communist horror appear in Time or Life created and owned by Henry Luce and his Skull and Bones chums from Yale. No photos of the GULAG (Glavnoye Upravleniye Lagerey), the vast administrative network of prisons and forced labor concentration camps headed by Yagoda of the OGPU secret police when its established in 1930 in every province stretching all across the Soviet Union. Only happy smiling faces of strong young peasants and workers in the fields and factories were shown in the country and abroad. The Soviet Russians knew but were silenced by the mortal fear of death embedded in their lives Soviet justice enforced by Stalin’s executioners and a nation of paranoid informers so far remote from the comprehension of the West. And for the most part Soviet records are unreliable or unavailable, either lost, non-existent or kept totally secret. And, unfortunately, that practice of secret government is not alien to America with its millions of newly classified documents kept under lock and key every year and denying the people their right to know First Amendment Constitutional Rights.

The Soviet Union keeps their secrets. So does England and America. The business of the Consortium in the Soviet Union was considered by them to be their private business as it is today. The scions of American wealth and power with their links in London and Paris are at the center of this money and influence gang of world centralized banks, global corporate industry and government. It is a natural extension of colonial power by the masters that be– the Rothschilds, DuPonts, Mellons, Morgans, Harrimans, Rockefellers and their kind.

A taboos concealing the truth kept secret by unlawful power protecting falsehoods and corruption in democratic and totalitarian dictatorship lose their grip over public awareness; the internet has pushed societies forward beyond the condition of what the poet Yevgeny Yevtushenko in a reference in 1974 to dissident Soviet writer Aleksandr Isayevich Solzhenitsyn and the doomed poet Osip Mandelstam call living the lie of silence.

The taboo is exposed in controversy. In the past Time-Life publisher Henry Luce and various Consortium servants in the press trumpeted the wonders of Soviet “progress”, perpetuating the American war mythology in the thirties of Soviet communism and American democracy while the secret truth remained concealed in classified government papers and various other scattered sources. This is the story about what really happened in a planned and systematic extermination by Stalin of millions of Ukrainians, men women and children during the peak of the 1933 Holodomor and the Consortium cover-up leading to World War II and the Soviet strategic alliance with the West between Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin.

(*Note. One of the best known Russian Soviet poets in the 1950’s and 1960’s, Yevgeny Aleksandrovich Yevtushenko, born to a peasant family in Siberia in July 1931 was of mixed Russian, Ukrainian and Tartar heritage. His family is exiled after the 1881 assassination of Emperor Alexander II. His early poem So mnoyu chto-to proiskhodt / Something is happening to me becomes a very popular song; praised by Pasternak, Sandburg and Frost; his most famous poem, Babi Yar, denounced Soviet distortion of the Nazi massacre of the Jews in Kiev September 1941. Also a film director of prolific talent Yevtushenko is made an honorary member of the American Academy of Arts and Letters, in 1987, and two years later while backing Gorbachev’s perestroika reforms he’s elected as a representative for Kharkov in the Soviet Parliament.Yevtushenko is not without literary and social critics, rebuked as a false dissident and collaborator. Anatoly Kudryavitsky (A Night in the Nabokov Hotel) considers him more a “naughty child of the regime” than a leader of protest against the totalitarian regime. Yevtushenko even maligns Boris Pasternak’s widow, Olga Ivinskaya imprisoned on bogus charges of foreign currency violations. And he sneers that “Doctor Zhivago is not worth publishing in the Soviet Union”. Soon after her release from prison poet Irina Ratushinskaya dismisses Yevtushenko as an official poet; novelist Vasily Aksionov refuses any contact. This is a tumultuous moment in Ukraine’s national history, and Dr. James Mace in Kiev makes headlines rekindling Soviet responsibility for the Holodomor Terror-Famine.

The consequences of the Holodomor are far reaching then and now. Don’t kid yourself and believe otherwise. Dictatorships are potent rivals. Great superpowers make for even greater dictatorships. Dictatorships rule. Communist China and Putin’s Russia are ominous adversaries for the United States in any future world conflict. Free-thinking democracies are burdensome with so many institutions difficult to manage and lengthy legislative and judicial processes. Of course Bush proved that the country could be easily pushed into line to support the Home Land Security Patriot Act and the Iraq War with its bogus allegations of weapons of mass destruction. American presidents know well that it requires special Executive War powers to fight foreign wars and a vote by Congress. Dictatorships don’t require bi-partisan endorsements. There are even people living in the United States who believe passionately that America is no longer a healthy and pluralistic democracy, but instead a land spoiled by the seeds of industrial military dictatorship.

When people don’t have enough to eat after a time they will starve and die. They lose the ability to live. That will always be a human tragedy. When those same people live in a land of fertile soil with abundant grain and wheat harvests and work hard every day tilling the rich soil that nurtures them and protects their families and then one day that food is taken away from the people who work on the land to plant cut and collect the harvest as they have done for centuries and many people die the tragedy is worse. The authorities with machine guns and bayonets come again and take away all the seed and villagers and leave villages barren and empty and the tragedy is worse than ever. Yet when millions die the tragedy is epic. Despite all reservations it did occur.

When the starvation is man-made and caused by political expediency it is a crime against Humanity. And when the murder of the people is a deliberate act of extermination by careful selection and the people are of a certain biological or national origin this criminal act against Humanity is called Genocide. (I prefer using the capital “G” when referring to this horror of all horrors known to man.) This was the reality of the Holodomor in Soviet Ukraine 1933. It is an epic story about the two most powerful nations to emerge in the East and the West in a world of shifting Empire and wealth gone amok with Fascism and greed. (We also might omit the use of the capital letter “F” but won’t for other reasons not to be redundant.)

What would you do if you discovered that your friend was a descendant of a Consortium family who not only knew about the famine in Soviet Russia and the Ukraine but was heavily invested in it? Does it raise serious questions of morality relevant to society today? Murder is committed in the name of a God or ideology or merely the act to serve a higher purpose. For America, this is a real dilemma that requires focus and context for a new generation of Ukrainians in search of national identity after its independence from Russia in 1991 as well as in terms of defining its relations with nations and peoples of the world. It isn’t a small gesture for President Barak Obama to urge that America and Russia “reboot” relations.

But what does this mean really?

This book hopes to help you understand the dilemma of the paradox as is evident when democracy is used as a tool of fascism to control the free world and render people powerless and without a clear voice of resistance. Unfortunately, that trend still seems absolutely unchanged today magnified by an ever greater crescendo of the democracy debate rhetoric that obfuscates the real issues of who and which institutions and corporations control wealth and power and what they are doing with it.

In short, the Ukrainian Genocide of the Holodomor is a most remarkable story. In the natural course of events no one could possibly tell it completely long after the pain and suffering of death is gone with the dead. Yet truth has its own mysterious way of revealing secrets long lost and hidden from view. In a strange way the revelation may be a sort of recovery for both the victims and the survivors. To hear and see the truth that has eluded the general public for generations the writer has resorted to original sources and documented works to unearth buried lies.

The Holodomor remains an ever-present and frightening truth, and ever more so if people do nothing to neither acknowledge it nor ask questions about such an event ever occurring again in the future. Much research remains to be done to reveal more of the truth of what happened and find records of those millions of people lost with families and entire villages annihilated. As we see with resistance from Moscow so too within the operatives and institutions of the Consortium is this true.

Powerful financial, economic, political and social organizations inside and outside of government do not readily reveal their secrets. It is your responsibility, if you care about your freedom and your life, to seek the truth and do what you can to preserve it and make life worth living. To find a good map through life may help you find peace and happiness, and not get lost in a bad logic such as the logic that promoted and condoned a Terror-Famine with all the consequential suffering and killing of millions of lives by a logic secret and unbridled corporate greed, fascism and the betrayal of democratic ideals, government corruption, massive death and despair. In the Great Game of post-colonial Empire and ruthless capitalism Genocide was more than a by-product; it was both a strategic process of practical utility for an end result with still greater consequences for the Holocaust and the Second World War.


The current debate surrounding issues of the Holodomor is in need of serious historical correction. The reality of Consortium intrigue with “the Kremlin”* illuminates the reasons why for so long the story of Stalin’s terror against the peasants in the Ukraine did not even merit the status of a detail in American history books. Disgraced New York Times and Pulitzer Prize reporter Walter Duranty reduced the killing of millions of Ukrainians to no more significance than a mere “incident” of history. During the Stalinist era it was intended to be effaced from human memory. (*The Old Square Staraya Ploshchad in Moscow, site of the headquarters of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the center of Russian political authority.)

The 1932-33 Holodomor was deleted from official history but it could not be erased from the collective memory. The first step in liquidation of a people is to erase its memory. Destroy its books, its culture, its history. Then have somebody write new books, manufacture a new culture, invent a new history. Before long the nation will begin to forget what it is and what it was,” wrote Czech author Milan Kundera about life under communist dictatorship in The Book of Laughter and Forgetting.

This is a history with a perspective where even the most backward, as in uneducated, and innocent individual of a forgotten country weighs in the balance with a significance also as potent as the terror and evil that crept out of the depths of a complex modern world, and which was an undeniable part of the collective history of the Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States. It was then, and remains today, a world order of nations, and a claim on the sake of Humanity whatever that meant or was appeared to be.

Likewise, any responsible review of the Holodomor must ask how Americans, for the most part considered widely as warm-hearted, generous, and loving people noted for their common sense as once observed the English-born American revolutionary patriot, Thomas Paine, were deprived of information which might otherwise have compelled them to pressure their leaders in Washington to aid the Ukraine and alter the course of history driving them with an industrial pace akin to madness over the edge to the death, horror and flames of yet another World War. Currently as we go to press the most recent leaks and revelations by former National Security Agency employee Edward Snowdon blanket the world media as he warns Americans and the world of the massive unprecedented deprivation and abuse of American privacy and civil rights by government spying and the alleged illegal and unauthorized misuse of technology. (Milan Kundera, The Book of Laughter and Forgetting, NY: HarperCollins, 1978)

But if war really is good and dirty business, and if Genocide really does “work”, then how did it work?

Are the masses really just idiots and fodder for political men in power to do away with as they please like sheep sent to the slaughter? And in particular, how did the Holodomor play into the hands of the all-empowered Machiavellians? Moreover, the perpetrators of Genocide always deny it ever happened even when proven guilty by an international tribunal of justice in a court of law in the context of a Crime Against Humanity. And that too, given the scope of the mechanics of international preparations and calculations for war even in the advent of possible prevention, or provocation, raises further the complexity of the issues leading to war itself as genocidal by nature in the arrangements for power and dominance. Defenders of freedom are difficultly perceived as perpetrators of such outrageous immoral monstrosities.

An excellent historian and storyteller, foreign correspondent and editor of Britain’s Evening Standard and Daily Telegraph Max Hastings writes in Inferno (Knopf 2011) that following of the 1939 German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact Hitler was allowed to see Stalin’s war preparations from manufacturing plants far deep inside Russia, even in Siberia. When a German military intelligence report arrived on his desk, Hitler tells his generals, “Now you see how far these people have already got. We must strike at once.” The British World War II historian and author of some 20 books Max Hastings describes the genocidal strategy of Hitler’s Wehrmacht killing machine: “The destruction of Bolshevism and the enslavement of the Soviet Union’s vast population were core objectives of Nazism, flagged in Hitler’s speeches and writings since the 1920’s. Overlaid on them was the desire to appropriate Russia’s enormous natural resources.”

But Hitler is already too late. Hitler compounds one mistake after another on his mad path to war. He blindly misconstrues the White House engagement with Stalin, certainly one of his most fatal strategic blunders. For over three decades Stalin is duped by his own Bolshevik-Soviet ruse cast over the empire; the leader himself is duped by an elaborate communist propaganda megalopolis of Kremlin power and dogma that holds bourgeois capitalists in contempt for inflicting Armageddon against the proletarian masses.

In as much as Stalin believes that the Non-Aggression Pact will hold Hitler back from launching an attack, Hitler believes that the America President will let both England and Russia fall in his hand rather than risk the spread of international communism infect Europe and enslave the world. From the beginning, hindered by hatred and ambition, Hitler is doomed. Many of his own countrymen know it. But already there are too many Nazis everywhere in Europe. The German invasion will tear open such a deep visceral wound only an unconditional and overwhelming Russian victory could heal and leave a leave a deep scar marked by the Iron Curtain and Berlin Wall.

Ukrainians played the primary role in the Red Army Soviet victory. On the website of Holodomor historian Andrew Gregorovich spotlights how the Ukrainian experience unlike the “Russian glory” and the Jewish Holocaust has passed virtually unrecognized by western and Russian war historians. He observed how no English language history is available to recall the sacrifice, pain, and terror of the suffering of the Ukrainian nation in the “Great Patriotic War” as Stalin preferred it to be known as it unified all the ethnic peoples in a tidal surge of humanity to save Mother Russia. Gregorovich is executive director of the Ukrainian Canadian Research and Documentation Center (UCRD), Toronto, founded in 1982. In 1984 the UCRD produced the award-winning film Harvest of Despair by director Slavko Nowytski.

Nor has there been an accounting of the priceless cultural treasures of architecture of Ukraine, world art and literature destroyed and looted.

In the “Patriotic War” Ukraine lost about ten million people or, one out of four of its sons and daughters. We can only wonder what beauty, genius, and talent was lost to the world as a result of the Nazi German and Soviet annihilation of the Ukrainian people in 1939-1945. About 4.5 million Ukrainians served in the Soviet army (2.5 million were decorated which might mean 2 million combatants perished) with another 1.3 million fighting in militia and partisan units against Germany. Hundreds of thousands served in the guerrilla partisan armies fighting both totalitarian powers, Nazi Germany and Red Soviet Russia. At least 350 Ukrainian generals and marshals served in the Red Army and were responsible for many of the victories at Stalingrad and Leningrad. Apparently, and unknown to most Ukrainians today, Berlin was captured principally by Ukrainian troops; many of the 102,000 killed were Ukrainians who died there and are buried in the Berlin cemetery. That’s close to the number of the entire loss of Americans in the First World War.

Stalin even uses Ukrainian national patriotism in the war instituting the Order of Bohdan Khmelnytsky medal for the four Ukrainian Front Armies in 1943. They included prominent marshals – the majority of marshals of the USSR were said to be Ukrainians – and generals born in the Ukraine: Marshal Simon Tymoshenko, Marshal Rodion Malinovsky, Marshal Ivan Konev, Marshal Yakiv Fedorenko, Marshal Kiril Maoskalenko, Marshal Serhiy Rudenko, General Andrey Grechko, Marshal Peter Koshoviy, Marshal Petro Leliushenko, Marshal Kliment Voroshilov, Marshal Andrey Yeremenko, General Yakiv Cherevichenko, General Fyodor Kostenko, Col. General Micahael Kirponos, Col. General Andrey Kravchenko, Admiral Mykola Basisty, General Iosif Apanesenko, and Marshal Alexander Vasilevsky. (Figures sourced from Andrew Gregorovich website 1995)

The greatest hero of World War II is of Ukrainian origin, – the brilliant Marshal Georgi Zhukov who signed the German surrender after sacking Berlin. First he taught the Japanese a lesson in their worst military defeat during six months of an undeclared war in 1939; two years later it was the German’s turn to do battle with this great military leader who dared to speak openly to Stalin. Too few Americans in our time know his name or have any idea of the role he played in defeating Nazi fascism and capturing victory and for the free world. Zhukov received the major credit for the Battle of the Dnieper and the capture of Berlin (which the Ukrainian Front Army of Ivan Konev nearly seized before him).

Born in Kaluga, Zhukov’s original family name was Zhuk and his Ukrainian family was from Birky village in the Poltava region of Ukraine according to the information of Zhukov’s relative Varvara Hryshko. On the verge of taking Berlin Zhukov promised Nikita Khrushchev, then Head of the Communist Party of Ukraine, that when he captured Hitler he would first ship him in a cage to Kiev so that Ukraine could see him before Moscow. However, Hitler’s suicide left only the Fuehrer’s charred body to be found by the Soviet Army. The search party into the Nazi command bunker in Berlin which found Hitler’s remains was led by Ukrainian Lt. General Ivan Klimenko. (A. Gregorovich website, 1995, Molod’ Ukrainy 14. X. 1994, 2)

Sixty-five percent of all Allied military deaths British historian Max Hastings writes in this long overdue book Inferno a testimony to the incredible sacrifice of the USSR to saving the free world from Hitler’s Wehrmacht invasion thrust to Moscow through the Ukraine. It was here where the most remarkable battles of World War Two, or as the Soviets call it, “The Great Patriotic War”, were fought, victories won and ground lost.

It was the war in Russia that defeated Hitler’s Nazi schematic plan for world domination, not the D-Day Normandy Allied invasion or the Liberation of Paris as most Americans have been taught to believe. Compared to the war in Russia Western Europe was a sideshow. Military chiefs in London and Washington understood that well. If Russia fell, England would be doomed and would be forced to wait for isolationist America to help them regain their freedom.

In Overlord, Brutish war historian Max Hastings writes in 1983, debunking what he describes as “chauvinistic post-war platitudes” and “comfortable chauvinistic legends” and the “astonishing” twist of historical record that endures “40 years after the battle”. That euphoria of the battle endures even today in America eager to find and remember its heroes as countless books hit the market commemorating D-Day, which may be all well and good yet do not forget, reader, as the Russian poet Yevgeny Yevtushenko reminds us in his introduction to the ground-breaking novel by Solzhenitsyn exposing the Soviet reality of the Gulag, One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, that “Bertolt Brecht once observed that a country which needs heroes is an unfortunate one.” Published in 1962 in Novy Mir under the Khrushchev regime, this short novel became an overnight sensation and bestseller in the Soviet Union; rehabilitated in 1956, Solzhenitsyn is then again banned by Khrushchev fearing that he had gone too far; the Gulag Archipelago is suppressed as “too dangerous”; arrested in 1974 by his successor Brezhnev the next day Solzhenitsyn is expelled to Frankfurt and literally dumped out of Soviet society tossed out of the country.

Max Hastings writes “The struggle for Normandy was the decisive western battle of the Second World War, the last moment at which the German army might conceivably have saved Hitler from catastrophe. The post-war generation grew up with the legend of the Allied campaign in 1944-45 as a triumphal progress across Europe, somewhere unrelated to the terrible but misty struggle that had taken place in the east. Today, we can recognize that the Russians made a decisive contribution to the western war by destroying the best of the German army, killing some two million men, before the first Allied soldier stepped ashore on 6 June 1944. It is the fact that the battle for Normandy took place against this background which makes the events of June and July so remarkable.” (Max Hastings, Overlord, D-Day, June 6, 1945, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1984, 11; Yevgeny Yevtushenko, “Intro.”, xi, A. I. Solzhenitsyn, One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, NY: Signet Classics-Penguin, 1962, 2008 ed.)

British historian Hastings does not want us to misconstrue what was essential to the outcome of the war due to the fact that “90 percent of all Germans killed in combat met their fate” on the Eastern Front.” Mostly all the territories of the Ukraine victimized by Stalin’s Holodomor are revisited by Hitler’s invasion and retreat, the principal battleground ravaged by both armies during four years of fierce engagement between the world’s two most formidable belligerents. Hastings here makes a crucial observation: “Between 1941 and 1945, British and American sailors and airmen fought at sea and in the sky, but relatively small numbers of Western Allied ground troops engaged the Axis in North Africa, Italy, Asia and the Pacific. The Soviet Union suffered 65 percent of all Allied military deaths…the United States and Britain 2 percent each … . One Russian in four died, against one in twenty British Commonwealth combatants and one in thirty-four American servicemen. Some 3.66 percent of Marines died, compared with 2.5 percent of the Army and 1.5 percent of the Navy.” (Max Hastings, Inferno, The World at War, 1939-1945, NY: Knopf, 2011)

For his part, in 1933 when the American president instead extends the olive branch and continued financial and industrial support to Moscow and chooses to ignore and leave to their fate the millions of victims of the Holodomor Genocide, FDR proves himself able as any Machiavellian and as ruthless a warrior President on a path leading inevitably toward world war as his partner in the Kremlin, And yet, distinguished by a unique intellectual and cultural nature he appeared benignly apathetic to his principal adversaries the arch-villain sadist Stalin and the deranged Austrian militarist who resembles a garment salesman more than a Prussian militarist that he could never be. Imagine that! A political man of genteel education and culture in a wheel chair out-maneuvers them both!

Once victory is in view FDR’s concession will be sealed in February 1945 at the Yalta talks in the Crimea. Ever since they both reached their apogee in 1933, it may have been FDR’s most carefully guarded secret to allow Hitler to be led like a dog to believe that the American President would not raise a finger or even blink at the 1933 Ukrainian Genocide. For that matter, why would he be bothered by the German eradication of the communists deprived of their fertile wheat lands in south Russia. Hitler thought it would be perceived in the West as a stroke of brilliance to replace Ukrainian Slavs ruled by the barbarian Russian communist dictator with the cultured German Third Reich already deep in the pockets of the Anglo-American capitalists of the Consortium. Reader, turn to Neil Ascherson’s Black Sea and his edifying account of barbarian lore: “Barbarians, by definition, are so-called; they do not consider themselves to be barbarous. … When Blok (‘Yes – we are Scythians. Yes– we are Asiatics, / With slanted and avid eyes… / For the last time come to your senses, old World! To the brotherly feast of work and peace, / For the last time to the bright brotherly feast/ The barbarian lyre calls.’ sic ) snatched up the ‘barbarian’ conceit for revolutionary Russia, it had already been well-worn in the service of imperial nationalism, above all in Germany. … The Third Reich hardened this fashion into a full cultural dogma … .” (N. Ashcerson, Black Sea, 108-9)


The genocidal impact of the Holodomor on Ukrainians and Russians was not lost on Hitler alone. In fact, with the entire Nazi fascist organization operating under a specific Aryan racist agenda extermination excelled at mass killing and slaughter of Slavs, Jews and non-Aryan races.

The Ukrainians were doomed long in advance. The Holodomor was just a beginning of the end for what was soon to tear apart their ancient and beloved country. The numbers are terrifying and may seem incredibly unbelievable even to historians and researchers. For most Americans who enjoy the benefits of peaceful isolation while living in a country that was never occupied or invaded apart from perhaps the experience of the American Revolution some 300 years ago, – and the Genocide inflicted on the native Americans – , the death toll defies the imagination unless otherwise experienced.

Reader, please bear in mind that the total military loss in World War II for the USSR alone was 8,668,400 which includes Ukraine, Byelorussia, Russia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Armenia, Georgia, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Tadjikistan and its other republics, according to General M. Moiseyev, Chief of General Staff, USSR Armed forces. Compare the figures and think again about history and the strategy of leaders: Ukraine lost 19 per cent of its population, while Great Britain lost 0.7 percent and the USA lost 0.2 percent. (Andrew Gregorovich, “Population Loss by Country WWII, citing “Voennoistoricheskiy zhurnal” , no. 3, March 1990 cited by Peter G. Tsouras, The Great Patriotic War, 240, A. Gregorovich, Forum Ukrainian Review No. 92, Spring 1995)

From May 1989 after Gorbachev opened the first session of the Congress of People’s Soviets, the Russian masses were beginning to speak openly about the mass-murder of the Holodomor that began with Lenin as the prelude of mass-killing under Stalin with the worst yet to come during the Second World War. George Orwell wrote, under the cloud of Katyn and the Nazi death camps, in 1944, “‘Atrocities’ had come to be looked on as synonymous with ‘lies’.” Before long the banned books of Solzhenitsyn become bestsellers available in bookshops and libraries. And this is the man who had to dodge GPU agents; then they called themselves NKVD, and after that KGB. And he had to dodge them all, sometimes finding them hiding in his attic, always tapping his phones, opening his mail, agents posing as helpful couriers to smuggle – no steal! – his manuscripts all when he is still considered “an enemy of the people” and all “active measures” were taken to persecute him inside his own country and to see that he was discredited abroad in the western press.

If the Holodomor numbers were incredible they only make the toll of the war even that more spectacularly unbelievable, obscene and unimaginable to a mind not yet gone mad or supra-rational in the sterile calculation of numbers and statistics. But these were not rational times and the accounting remained contentious and inconclusive. The powers imposed greater censorship as the killing went on. True figures were never reported to the outside world nor to the Russian people even to this day.

Struggle and persistence is usually rewarding. Like Dostoyevsky to be exiled and imprisoned and forced to write in secret can produce great work. “To plunge underground”, writes Solzhenitsyn, “to make it your concern not to win the world’s recognition,– Heaven forbid!– but on the contrary to shun it: this variant of the writer’s lot is peculiarly our own, purely Russian, Russian and Soviet!” (C. Andrew and V. Mitrokhin, 10-1)

In his 1998 essay “Genocide in Ukraine 1933”, senior Canadian documentalist was disturbed and puzzled by what he found in the undeniable causal proximity of the extermination campaigns between Stalin and Hitler and, in particular, targeting Ukrainians. Stalin became the teacher of Hitler. We can only speculate what might have happened if Stalin’s secret Genocide by famine had been fully exposed to the world. Would Hitler’s terrible secretive Holocaust of 6,000,000 Jews been possible?

We also know”, Andrew Gregorovich observes, “that Hitler in World War II adopted Stalin’s famine weapon and starved millions of Soviet prisoners of war including many Ukrainians. Aided by his incisive scrutiny Andrew Gregorovich cites figures by Dr. Wolodynmry Kosyk (The Third Reich and Ukraine, 1993) as high as 2.5 million military and 4.5 million civilian deaths resulting in “a total loss of 7 million for Ukraine compared to a total German loss of 6.5 million”. Losses by other countries in World War II include Poland, more than 5 million, Japan 2.36 million, Yugoslavia 1.7 million, France 600,000, Italy 500,000, Romania 500,000, Greece 450,000, Hungary 430,000, Great Britain 350,000, Czechoslovakia 340,000, Austria 374,000, USA 300,000, Holland 210,000, Belgium 88,000 and Canada 42,000. Byelorussia lost 2,198,000 civilians. The Russian SFSR, or Russia, he states “lost 1,781,000 civilians and about 3 to 4 million military or about 5 to 6 million total according to Kosyk.” (George Orwell, Tribune, 31 March 1944, M. Hastings, “Victims”, in Inferno, 499; A. Gregorovich, reprinted from Forum Ukrainian Review No. 92, Spring 1995; A. Gregorovich, address, “Genocide in Ukraine 1933, Town Hall, Hamilton, Ontario, Nov. 14, 1998)

That’s not the worst of it. In many Ukrainian villages the eager Nazi exterminators ordered all the men, women and children into the local church, sealed it and burned them alive. Academician Yuri Kondufor, Director of the Institute of History, Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, in Kiev, revealed figures in 1984 of precise statistics of Ukrainian population losses in World War II. Kondufor calculated, according to Gregorovich, “that there was a total loss of 7.5 million (7,509,045) including the dead and those taken as slave laborers to Germany. The German occupation and World War II resulted in the extermination and death in Ukraine of 3,898,457 civilians and 1,366,588 military and prisoners-of-war for a total of 5,265,045.” These figures loom over the shadow of the Holodomor victims to which they were all doomed. (A. Gregorovich, Forum No. 61, reprinted from Forum Ukrainian Review, No. 92, Spring 1995).

This is an essential history not to be overlooked in the story of the Holodomor and its aftermath. The number of villages in the Ukraine destroyed by Stalin and his squads of executioners during the Holodomor extermination was surpassed by Hitler and his Wehrmacht.

Canadian researcher of Ukrainian ancestry Andrew Gregorovich of the Toronto-based Ukrainian Canadian Research and Documentation Center (UCRD) writes, “In the space of about three years Ukraine suffered devastation from the scorched earth policy of two cruel totalitarian governments. He points to figures in Soviet Ukrainethat “the retreating Germans “razed and burned over 28,000 villages and 714 cities and towns, leaving 10,000,000 people without shelter. More than 16,000 industrial enterprises, more than 200,000 industrial production sites, 27,910 collective and 872 state farms, 1,300 machine and tractor stations, and 32,930 general schools, vocational secondary schools and higher educational institutions of Ukraine had been destroyed. The direct damage to the Ukrainian national economy caused by the fascist (Nazi German) occupation came to 285,000,000,000 rubles …”

Gregorovich found material losses for Ukraine amounted to “about $60,000,000,000 prewar dollars for Ukraine or trillions of dollars today”. No wonder Premier Nikita Khrushchev rebuffed Averell Harriman over a paltry $11 billion Lend-Lease bill when the freedom of the western world was in hock to the Russians to a degree far greater. But by then the world had changed and the Soviet-Russian war debt would be renegotiated under new agreements for the postwar New World Order economy. In due course in Moscow during the Kennedy administration after arduous negotiations Khrushchev invites Harriman into the Kremlin for dinner to celebrate their agreement with Britain for a limited nuclear test ban treaty July 1963. As they walked past the Old Palace formerly Stalin’s gloomy fortress and now a public park.

Schlesinger tells the story in A Thousand Days:“Harriman remarked that he saw few security men around. ‘I don’t like being surrounded by security men,’ Khrushchev said. ‘In Stalin’s time we never knew whether they were protecting us or watching us’.” Then Khrushchev turned towards the public crowd, and joked, “This is Gospodin Garriman. We’ve just signed a test-ban treaty. I’m going to take him to dinner. Do you think he’s earned his dinner’.” (A. Gregorovich, Soviet Ukraine, 155; Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., A Thousand Days, John F. Kennedy in the White House, Cambridge, MA.: Riverside Press-Houghton Mifflin, 908-9; italics added.)

Nikita Khrushchev wasn’t the only one who thought he didn’t have to pay back the Americans for Lend-Lease. With England shouldering the burden with Soviet Russia, and France already down and out, defeated and under Nazi occupation, “the British strenuously resisted” what they considered Roosevelt’s gracious and friendly high-handedness. The fact that the Americans stayed out of the war while Britain had to fight Nazi fascism virtually alone, did not improve Anglo-American relations and certainly strained it within the Consortium’s own ranks where the British exerted their individual means of persuasion.

Former Moscow AP correspondent Lynne Olson writes in her book, Citizens of London, (2010) of the pros and cons in the aid deal that preceded US entry into the war and official alliance as a disinterested Ally: “In the summer of 1941, the Roosevelt administration proposed that, as a payback for Lend-Lease, the British agree to end its imperial preference system. … Although a staunch imperialist, Churchill did not much like the imperial preference system. But he and his cabinet were vehemently opposed to the idea of being coerced into agreeing to a postwar economic order that favored the United States. Indeed, they wondered, why was there any need for a Lend-Lease payback at all?” Indeed, with good reason, and, as Olson adds, “In February 1942, Churchill raised that point in an irate cable to Roosevelt that was never sent: ‘It must be remembered that for a large part of 27 months we carried on the struggle single-handed… Had we failed, the full malice of the Axis Powers … would have fallen upon the United States.’ In a cable that was dispatched to the president, Churchill noted that the British cabinet had already decided the issue. It voted against swapping imperial preference for Lend-Lease, feeling that, if Britain did so, ‘we should have accepted an intervention in the domestic affairs of the British Empire’.” (Lynne Olson, Citizens of London, The Americans Who Stood with Britain in its Darkest, Finest Hour, Random House, 2010, 299-300)

War historian Max Hastings hasn’t much to say about Lend-Lease given the delay of Americans to get into the war while England struggles and millions of Russians are left to fight Hitler’s military machine alone on the continent. “American supplies made a critical contribution,” Hasting writes, and he adds, It was often suggested in Washington and London that the Soviets were ungrateful. Stalin might have given the contemptuous response he once gave to Zinoviev, who made the same charge; ‘Gratitude? Gratitude is a dog’s disease!’” Hastings adds, “Churchill observed, with justice, that Britain entered the war in 1939 as a matter of principle, and fought alone for almost two years, while Russia was content to play vulture on the carcasses of Hitler’s kills until Germany invaded the Soviet Union. It was impossible to dispute, however, that Stalin’s people were overwhelmingly responsible for destroying Hitler’s armies.” (M. Hastings, Armageddon, NY: Knopf, 2004, 114)

Gregorovich goes on to declare in reference to Professor Kondufor as “there were also 2,244,000 Ukrainian citizens taken to Germany for slave labor in the German war industry. Most of these probably perished in Allied bombing raids. According to these statistics provided by Prof. Kondufor, Ukraine’s total World War II loss was 7.5 million. To this should be added the loss of 250,159 in Carpatho-Ukraine and Crimea giving a total of 5,515,204 dead according to Kosyk or 7,759,204 total lost including Zakarpatia and Crimea. This includes about 600,000 Ukrainian Jews. Kondufor’s statistics, perhaps the most accurate of all, probably cover the period from June 1941 rather than September 1939.” (A. Gregorovich, Forum Ukrainian Review, No. 92, Spring 1995)

Gregorovich also noted a particular reference quoting from the Encyclopedia of Ukraine: “An estimated 6.8 million Ukrainians were killed. … About 200,000 Ukrainian displaced persons (DPs) ended up in the emigration to the West; the vast majority were returned to Soviet rule through forced repatriation.” He adds, “Bohdan Krawchenko states that, ‘In the course of the conflict 6.8 million people were killed, of whom 600,000 were Jews and 1.4 million were military personnel who either perished at the front or died as prisoners of war (POWs)’.” (Y. Boshyk, Ukraine during World War II, 15; Encyclopedia of Ukraine, Univ. of Toronto Press, v. 5, 727)

Toronto-based historian Orest Subtelny observes in his Ukraine, A History (1994), “Even a cursory listing of losses reflects the terrible impact that the Second World War had on Ukraine and its inhabitants. About 5.3 million, or one of six inhabitants of Ukraine, perished in the conflict. An additional 2.3 million had been shipped to Germany to perform forced labor.” Millions of captured Soviet soldiers and the Ukrainian population died there in the factories and death camps. (Orest Subtelny, Ukraine, A History, Univ. of Toronto Press, 1994, 479. italics added)

The official Soviet encyclopedia (1978) statistics state: “During this war over 20 million Soviet people were killed including many peaceful citizens. On the territory of Ukraine along the Hitlerites destroyed over 5 million people and more than 2 million people were carried off into slavery to Germany.” (Ukrainska Radyanska Entsyklopedia, Kyiv 1978, v. 2, 152 cited by A. Gregorovich)

For another perspective on the Soviet involvement in bringing about the end of Nazi Germany Gregorovich observes, “Even if we accept the conservative figure offered by Prof. Kondufor (during Soviet rule it should be mentioned), Ukraine’s loss of about 7.5 million people is greater than the total military loss of the USA, Canada, British Commonwealth, France, Germany and Italy all put together. According to the Encyclopedia Britannica the total military losses of these countries in World War II was 4,305,214. The statistics are: USA 292,100; British Commonwealth 544,596 (including 39,139 Canadians); France 210,671 (+107,847 civilians); Germany 2,850,000, and Italy 300,000. In conclusion it seems reasonable to estimate that because of the German occupation and the Soviet repression from 1939 to 1945 during World War II, that Ukraine lost about 10,000,000 citizens or one Ukrainian out of four.” (italics added)

The body count tells the story. “It is reasonably estimated that about 50 million people perished because of World War II which means 20 per cent of all the victims were Ukrainians; in this figure are about 600,000 Ukrainian Jews. In 1939, as Andrew Gregorovich observes, the Jewish population of Ukraine was 1.5 million (1,532,776) or 3% of the total population of Ukraine. When the War started on June 22, 1941 the Soviet Government first of all ordered the execution of all 19,000 Ukrainian political prisoners in western Ukraine (750,000 had already been killed or exiled to Siberia) and then the evacuation of 3.5 million key personnel to the east, to Russia. These evacuees included many Jews who were highly educated, and were scientists, skilled workers, Communist bureaucrats, and NKVD secret police. The total evacuated was estimated to be about one-half to two-thirds of the total Jewish population of Ukraine.” Would any of this have been possible had world leaders vigorously objected to the Holodomor Genocide? (italics added)

As the German Army swept east across Ukraine it included German Einsatzgruppen with 500 to 1,000 men which were special mobile killing squads ordered to carry out “The Final Solution” of killing all Jews. Ukraine had been the major part of the Jewish Pale of Settlement in the Russian Empire and in the 19th century probably had the most Jews of any country in the world. Within a few days of capturing Ukrainian cities like Lutsk, Zhitomir and Berdichev in the summer of 1941 thousands of Jews were killed. Most of these executions were carried out by the SS Standartfuehrer Paul Blobel who was the officer of the Sonderkommando 4A, Einsatzgruppe C. Only German personnel, no Ukrainians, were members of the Einsatzgruppe C and D which were assigned to Ukraine.” (Reitlinger 251 cited in A. Gregorovich online, “World War II in Ukraine: Jewish Holocaust in Ukraine, <> , Infoukes, Ontario, Canada )

From this historical perspective Ukrainian fatality figures for the two World Wars are astounding. In his essay “Ukraine’s Population Losses in World War II: 7.5 million or 13,614,000?”, Andrew Gregorovich makes it unmistakably clear that Ukraine lost more people in World War II than any other European country.

At the beginning of the war,” Gregorovich observes, “Ukraine’s population was 41.9 million. Let us review some of the estimates of losses from largest to smallest. According to A Short History of Ukraine published by the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences in Kiev in 1986, as a result of the Second World War: ‘The population (of Ukraine) contracted by 13,614,000.’ This statistic is not explained. In 1977 Stephan G. Prociuk estimated in a detailed analysis that Ukraine’s World War II loss of population was 11 million.” (Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the USSR, NY, 1977, v. 13 no. 23-50)

He goes on to tell us that “The American journalist Edgar Snow, who visits Ukraine in 1943 during the war, and at the end of the war in 1945, reported in his book The Pattern of Soviet Power (1945) that according to a high Ukrainian official ‘No fewer than 10,000,000 people had been lost to … Ukraine since 1941.’ This statistic excluded ‘men and women mobilized in the armed forces’. Yet it was not till I went on a sobering journey into this twilight of war that I fully realized the price which 40,000,000 Ukrainians paid for Soviet—and Allied—victory. The whole titanic struggle, which some are apt to dismiss as ‘the Russian glory’, was first of all a Ukrainian war. … I was told by a high Ukrainian official. That excluded men and women mobilized for the armed forces. A relatively small part of the Russian Soviet Republic itself was actually invaded, but the whole Ukraine, whose people were economically the most advanced and numerically the second largest in the Soviet Union, was devastated from the Carpathian frontier to the Donets and Don rivers, where Russia proper begins. No single European country suffered deeper wounds to its cities, its industry, its farmland and its humanity.” (A Short History of Ukraine, Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, Kiev, 1986; Edgar Snow, The Pattern of Soviet Power, NY: Random House, 1945, 73; italics added.)

The Russian counter-offensive to Berlin left behind a country of decimated ruins. Gregorovich tells us his former homeland’s population had fallen “by 25 per cent – that is, by approximately 10.5 million people; 6.8 million had been killed or died of hunger or disease, and the remainder had been evacuated or deported to Soviet Asia as political prisoners or had ended up as slave laborers or emigrés in Hitler’s German,” states Ann Lencyk Pawliczko in Ukraine and Ukrainians Throughout the World (1994). Prof. Kubijovych, a geographer, says “the population of the Reichskommisariat Ukraine fell from 24,100,000 in 1939 to 16,900,000– a drop of 30 percent. The population of the larger cities dropped by 53 percent. … We may assume that in 1943 the population of the Ukrainian SSR in the current boundaries was about 30 million, that is, 10.5 million less than in 1939.” Trembitsky in Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia (1963) gives a total of war losses to Ukraine in 1941-45 of 8,545,000. (Za Vilnu Ukrainu, 24 serpnia, 1994 3; Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Shcherbitsky gives a “statistic” of 6,750,000 as Ukraine’s World War II losses. (Radyanska Ukraina, 18 October, 1974); Ann Lencyk Pawliczko in Ukraine and Ukrainians Throughout the World, Univ. of Toronto Press, 1994, 62;Trembitsky, Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia, Univ. of Toronto Press, 1963, v.1, 204)

Andrei Gogorovich states in his online essay “Koch vs Rosenberg”, that Nazi Reichskommissar Koch for the Ukraine “was ordered to provide 450,000 workers a year from Ukraine for German industry by “ruthless” means, according to Reitlinger. German documents said that the Ukrainian Ostarbeiter would be ‘worked to death.’ Although 40,000 Ukrainians a month were being sent to Germany as Ostarbeiter (slave laborers), Hitler’s young chief architect and armaments minister Albert Speer (1942-45) complained that his work force was dwindling. This would mean that more than 40,000 were dying every month. In one memorandum from Fritz Sauckel to Alfred Rosenberg there was a demand for one million men and women in four months at the rate of 10,000 a day and more than two-thirds were to come from Ukraine. In all the major Ukrainian cities the German army kidnapped young adults off the streets and shipped them to Germany as virtual slave laborers to work in the worst and most dangerous conditions. On the orders of the German administration Ukrainian cities were to be permanently depopulated by starvation and deportation. About three-quarters of the over 3,000,000 Ostarbeiter were Ukrainians. Prof. Kondufor’s statistic is that 2,244,000 Ukrainians were forced into slave labor in Germany during World War II. Another statistic cited by David Dallin (1961) put the total at 2,196,166 for Ukrainian Ostarbeiter slaves in Germany. Both of these statistics probably do not include the several hundreds of thousands of Galician Ukrainians, so a final total could be about 2.5 million.” (D. Dallin, 452, in A. Gregorovich; Ibid.)

There were slightly more women than men Ostarbeiter employed in agriculture, mining, manufacturing armaments, metal production and railroads,” Gregorovich writes. “For example, on September 3, 1942 Hitler demanded that half a million Ukrainian women be brought to Germany to free German women from housekeeping. Hitler thought there was a Germanic strain in Ukraine because the Ostro-Goths and Visi-Goths had lived in southern Ukraine 1,800 years earlier and the ‘chaste peasant virtues of Ukrainian women’ appealed to him. In the end only about 15,000 girls were taken to Germany to work as domestics. The other two million Ukrainians worked mostly in the armaments factories including the V-2 rocket factory at Peenemunde.”

At the end of the war some 120,000 Ukrainians registered themselves as displaced persons (DPs). Most Ukrainians who survived the war in Germany were forcibly repatriated to the USSR because of the Yalta agreement. Repatriation almost always meant death or exile in Siberia. General Koch served eight years in Polish prisons, avoided Soviet imprisonment. Never tried for his war crimes that occurred in the Ukraine he lived a free man in Poland until 1986, apparently at peace, tolerated and granted a ripe old age dying at 90. Americans never knew him or his horrors. (D. Dallin, “The Soviet Union, From Lenin to Khrushchev”, Washington DC, US Government Printing Office, House Document No. 139, 1961, 452)

The Nazi Germans were no less exacting in their killing as they were in the documentation of Stalin’s crimes. Gregorovich recounts, for example, how German experts excavated mass-killing by the Soviet NKVD secret police in Vinnytsia, a Ukrainian city 120 miles south-west of Kiev. In 1939 it had a population of about 100,000. On May 25, 1943 a German team of professors of forensic science and international experts started excavating three mass murder sites there of 1937 and 1938. The local population thought that about 20,000 people who had disappeared had probably been murdered there by the NKVD on orders from Moscow.

Once Germany invaded Stalin adopted extreme measures of internal counter-espionage and subversion of the Wehrmacht. Boris Levytsky writes, “The NKVD rendered inestimable service in the defense of the Soviet Union. Their fanaticism contributed decisively to raising the morale of the fighting forces. Still more valuable was their services to the armaments industry. … The NKVD was unique in its display of toughness, iron discipline, and loyalty to the regime.” Much of the responsibility of organization in the Caucasus fell to Beria and Kagonovich including State security services, intelligence, and espionage. The creation of Smersh, “the anti-espionage department of the People’s Commissariat of Defense, with the title of ‘Death to Spies’, in Russian Smerty Shpionam. This gave Stalin all he needed … . On each staff there was a Smersh office which de factor watched all officers. … The Smersh gradually became a weapon of offense,” Levytsky writes. Soon it handles “more and more political tasks.” It penetrates the partisans flushing out anti-communists and infiltrates the Gestapo. “At the end of 1942 the NKGB succeeded in activating the network of its secret agents in the areas occupied by Germany. Their task was trenchantly formulated by Stalin himself– ‘to make life behind the enemy lines intolerable for them’. Their agents infiltrated all the activities of the Gestapo and other authorities.” (B. Levytsky, “In the Front Line of the ‘Patriotic War’”, 156-75)

Procedures were systematically followed by the German investigators and carefully documented. Victims had their hands tied behind their backs and were shot in the back of the head. From May to October 1943 there were 9,432 corpses, including 169 women, found in three burial places. Of these 679 were identified from their documents and garments by relatives. The Soviet government had hidden the graves in a pear orchard and by building a Public Park on top of the mass graves with swings and playground equipment. (A. Gregorovich, “Vinnytsia”, on the web)

Gregorovich reminds us that “most of the executions in Ukraine were carried out by shooting the victims (because all the death camps like Auschwitz were in Poland) (although) some people were killed by hanging and others in trucks by gas.” The Ukrainian author Anatoly Kuznetsov writes: “On one occasion a gas-van arrived full of women. When the usual procedure was over and the shouting and banging had died down the door was opened. After the fumes had cleared, the van was seen to be packed full of naked girls. “There were more than a hundred of them, pressed tightly together, sitting on each other’s knees. They all had their hair done up in scarves, as women do when they take a bath. They had probably been told when they were put into the van that they were on their way to the baths. Many were found to have rings and watches, lipstick and other small things hidden in their headscarves. The drunken Germans hooted with laughter, explaining they were waitresses from the Kiev night-clubs … . When Davydov lifted them and laid them on the stack … still warm, the breath would come out of their mouths with a faint noise, and he got the impression again that they were alive but had simply lost consciousness. They were all burnt on the fire in Babyn Yar.” (Anatoly Kuznetsov, Babi Yar, NY: Penguin, 1982, 377-8; Kamenetsky; Zayas, 204, 240-4; A. Gregorovich, “Kiev Waitresses”, online)

For ill-fated Ukraine more horrific tragedy would follow the Holodomor as it escalates into a larger more terrible world catastrophe and realignment of world power. “The great puzzle is: Did Hitler or Stalin during WW II kill the most Ukrainians?”, Gregorovich asks hauntingly. Unfortunately, this is a most relevant question and no more absurd than the silence of the West to ignore it. And ever more so relevant today with Genocide currently inflicted on defenseless populations in various forms. His reply is no less creepy: “Hitler’s crimes in Ukraine have been better documented and are better known. Stalin said that history is written by the winners. As a victor over Nazi Germany Stalin’s USSR was able to hide its Genocide of Ukrainians. After the war Stalin conceded that 7 million Soviet citizens died but we know he concealed the real figures. Premier Nikita Khrushchev, in 1961, set the death toll in the USSR at 20 million and this seems to be an accurate accounting. More recently Moscow has set figures as high as 25 million; in Washington in 1990 Gorbachev declared 27 million dead but he may have included non-combat deaths as well. (F. Wilheilm Christians, Paths to Russia, from War to Peace, NY: Macmillan, 1990)

These latest figures are either sheer propaganda or estimates based on new information about Stalin’s Genocide of Ukrainians and other Soviet citizens during the War. Both Hitler and Stalin saw the Ukrainian nation as an obstacle to their plans and goals. Hitler wanted Ukraine as German Lebensraum (“Living space”) and Stalin feared that Ukrainian nationalism and an independent Ukraine would wreck the Soviet Russian Empire. Both were guilty of war crimes and Genocide in Ukraine on such a massive scale that they are virtually unequaled in history. We are not speaking here of thousands, or tens of thousands, or even hundreds of thousands of victims of mass murder. We are talking of millions of Ukrainians killed by both Hitler and Stalin.” Within that space of argument we are led back to Stalin’s mass-killing of the Holodomor Genocide.

Gregorovich then goes on to declare, “No documentary evidence exists of Hitler’s order to eliminate all Jews in Europe but we know this is true. Likewise, we have no Hitler order to annihilate the Ukrainians. But we do have the evidence: 1) Millions of civilian victims perished which could not be ‘accidental’; 2) Documentary evidence of the wholesale executions of Ukrainians; 3) The order to execute up to 100 innocent Ukrainians for one German soldier shot by the partisans (and 460,000 German soldiers were killed by partisans and guerillas); 4) The Ostarbeiter Ukrainian slaves were to be ‘worked to death’ in Germany; 5) Millions of prisoners of war were intentionally starved to death in concentration camps; 6) Ukrainian cities were starved to death according to plan; 7) Nazi leaders said that Ukraine as the Lebensraum of Nazi Germany would be colonized by German population and some Ukrainians would be used as slave labor.’” And we find Stalin’s written expressed dread of losing the Ukraine that would seriously weaken Russia and threaten Moscow’s control and post-imperial communist dominance.” (A. Gregorovich)

Hitler’s Final Solution applied to the extermination of the Ukrainians as well as Jews; and the destruction of everything Ukrainian. It was Hitler who ultimately was in charge of the Nazi Empire.” Of the 650 major legislative orders issued during the war”, Niall Ferguson observes, “all but 72 were decrees or orders issued in his name. It was Hitler who argued, shortly after the invasion of the Soviet Union, that ‘In view of the vast sie of the conquered territories in the east, the forces available for establishing security in these areas will be sufficient only if, instead of punishing resistance by sentences in a court of law, the occupying forces spread such terror as to crush every will to resist among the population’. It was Hitler whose preferred method for pacifying occupied territory was ‘shooting everyone who looked in any way suspicious’.” (N. Ferguson, Civilization, 194)

What about the other Ukrainians?” Gregorovich asks. “As late as 1943,” he observed, writing, “Hitler refused status to Ukraine and when Ukrainians offered to form an army against the USSR it had to be named Galicia Division until the very last few minutes of the war in 1945 when it was renamed the Ukrainian National Army”. Furthermore, Gregorovich reminds us, “Ukraine’s disproportionate civilian losses compared to military also indicates a special Nazi German campaign. It would be naive to think that Adolf Hitler and the Nazi German government was not bent on destroying as many Ukrainian Untermensch as possible in view of the statements which prove it. For example, Reichmarshal Göering, who was second to Hitler in power said: ‘This year between twenty and thirty million persons will die (in Ukraine) and Russia of hunger. Perhaps it is well that it should be so, for certain nations must be decimated’.” (Hermann Göering, Nov. 24-7, 1941, cited by A. Gregorovich, in D. Dallin, 123; italics added)


From day one in his first administration as the nation’s Commander-in-Chief FDR kept steady vigilance standing by on the bridge preparing for the inevitability of war and final American acceptance necessary to get in it. A full two years before Pearl Harbor and America’s declaration of war on Japan and Germany, FDR wrote his ambassador in London, Joseph Kennedy on October 30, 1939, “We over here, in spite of the great strides towards national unity during the past six years, still have much to learn of the ‘relativity’ of world geography and the rapid annihilation of distance and purely local economics.” Kennedy installs his eight children with him in the Embassy compound at the Court of St. James with its floral gardens and grand mansion that once belonged to banker JP. Morgan. But Kennedy is not very popular here for his pro-German views confident that Hitler would crush England. MI5 keeps him under close surveillance; his phones are tapped, associates are followed and secretly searched. When the bombs began to fall on London, “the American Embassy was, to Roosevelt’s disgust, the first to flee from the capitol”, writes Churchill’s personal secretary Jock Colville. Kennedy prefers refuge in his large country home. Roosevelt promptly fires him. (John Colville, The Fringes of Power, 753)

Ever since the disillusionment of Wilson’s promises during America’s strategic role in WWI and its turn inward into euphoric isolationism shackled suddenly by the mind-numbing economic Depression, popular conditions convinced President Roosevelt that only an overt act of war against the United States would rally the people to fight. When Hitler was on the verge of invading Czechoslovakia, ambassador Kennedy held a cozy press conference and exposed high ranking anti-Hilter coup plotters including General Ludwig Beck, Chief of the German General Staff and his deputy General Franz Halder. Kennedy’s pro-Hitlerite defeatism persists up to 1941 when in his commencement address at Notre Dame his constant anti-British remarks were reported back to the White House, and particularly infuriated the Roosevelt team for having said, more or less in a paraphrased summary of his remarks that “Hitler was the greatest genius of the century. (His) diplomatic ability was superior to anything the British could hope to muster. … Britain is hopelessly licked and there will be a negotiated peace within sixty days.”

Seymour Hersh disclosed in The Dark Side of Camelot that British intelligence compiled a secret file on ambassador Joe Kennedy “known as the ‘Kennediana’ file, which would not be declassified until after the war. In those pages Sir Robert Vansitart, Undersecretary of the Foreign Office in early 1940: ‘Mr. Kennedy is a very foul specimen of a double-crosser and defeatist. He thinks of nothing but his own pocket. I hope that this war will at least see the elimination of his type’.” (M. Hastings, Inferno, “We over here …”, 180; re. Kennedy at Notre Dame, Joseph E. Persico, “A Secret Unshared”, Roosevelt’s Secret War: FDR and World War II Espionage, NY: Random House, 2001337; S. M. Hersh, 65)

President Franklin Delano Roosevelt was a grandmaster at handling the American press. Driving hard against the isolationist currents resisting American intervention in the European war FDR artfully cultivates their support with the sharpest instincts of a political animal. He steadily held firm his course towards nothing less than unconditional surrender of the enemy. The man in the wheel chair is most unsuspectingly undetectable and formidable adversary. His closest advisers are often baffled by the secrecy of his intentions. In a style not unlike JFK a generation later, Roosevelt forbids newspapers to photograph his steel braces needed to overcome painful adversity and earns him the confidence of the nation, winning an unprecedented four presidential terms in the White House, and he lives to see American troops embarking to the Normandy coast on their way to Paris and Berlin. Knowing that America soon has atomic weapons, and with victory nearly in hand, FDR sits for a presidential painting in the White House, then feels a blaring pain in the back of his head, and dies a few months before Hitler commits suicide in his underground steel and concrete bunker.

Two years after American rearmament had begun with a $1.15 billion Naval Expansion Bill, passed in May 1938, and then a Cash-and-Carry Bill, passed in November, 1939 which also modified the Neutrality Act officially opening the door for weapons sales to France and England, in particular, Hitler invaded Norway in April 1940. Then, two months before France’s capitulation, the President holds another carefully contrived and artfully controlled press conference. The press love Roosevelt and he has them eating of his hand.

When asked if America faced a greater threat of war he replied with deliberate circumspection that veiled his steady preparation to enter the conflict. Roosevelt declares, “You can put it this way: that the events of the past forty-eight hours will undoubtedly cause a great many more Americans to think about the potentialities of war.” It was finally the fall of France that persuaded FDR to stay the course and win reelection to keep his hands on the helm as Commander-in-Chief for a third term. His close adviser at State, Adolf Berle Jr., – both are experienced veterans of the First World War–, recalls on May 15, “The question of whether Roosevelt would run is being settled somewhere on the banks of the Meuse River.” In a special meeting with his chiefs of staff Roosevelt instructed preparations for war and expansion of the armed forces. This same year the White House rams through Congress the Selective Service Act imposing the draft and his $15 billion rearmament plan.

America is slow to get into the war. Not everyone agrees with FDR’s foresight. Harvard’s treasurer William Clafin advises Harvard’s president, “Hitler’s going to win. Let’s be friends with him.” Two years after the disgrace of Chamberlain isolationists in America still held sway on national public opinion against intervention in a foreign war; Kingman Brewster, Yale’s controversial president signs an editorial manifesto published in the Atlantic Monthly September 1940 against armed intervention to save England from Nazi domination. Thirty years later students would teach Brewster and his friends a hard lesson about Consortium politics and support of murderous Right-wing fascist regimes supporting US Consortium politics in the State Department during the free love and rock & roll sixties and anti-Vietnam War protests as white middleclass students mixed with radical Black Panthers demanding an end to the war. The American youth had enough of the appeaseniks and Cold War hawks of the Kennan-Acheson-Rusk gang. The youth (and not those privileged sons too stoned and anesthetized in the drug culture of prep school nirvana) were fed up and had enough of the lies and deception of the older generation. Finally they had come of age to teach their fathers a lesson just how terribly wrong they had been for far too long waging their insanely Genocidal campaign about the national liberation struggle of Ho Chi Minh a pseudonym of Nguyen Sinh Cung), Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap and the Viet Minh (a youthful Giap, victor in 1954 at Dien Bien Phu studied Napoleonic strategy at the Ecole Coloniale in France) but only after over twenty years of armed struggle and over fifty thousand dead American soldiers and more than a million dead Vietnamese.

In a poll taken the day before FDR wins the presidential contest with 55 percent of the vote, Fortune found that only 16 percent favored sending US forces to join England’s war for freedom. FDR understood well in advance of the nation that to defeat Nazi Germany, Hitler’s enemies had to destroy his Wehrmacht.

In the events carefully calculated by FDR compelling Japan to launch a suicidal attack on America Undersecretary Berle remains throughout the war a key intelligence link between his Commander-in-Chief and the urbane Henry L. Stimson who received perhaps his worst brow-beating from the president over delayed 1941 Lend-Lease shipments to Russia, instead diverted to England. Weeks after the German invasion FDR harangued Stimson in a cabinet meeting August 1, 1941 that the Russians weren’t receiving fast enough what they asked for including some 140 P-40 fighter planes packed in crates and sent to England instead.

The Russians have been given the run-around,” then Stimson insists. “I am sick and tired of hearing that they are going to get this and they are going to get that. Whatever we are going to give them, it has to be over there by the first of October, and the only answer I want to hear is that it is under way.” As we enter the dark labyrinth of the war powers of these giant nation states it will become clear reader how the Stalin’s man-made Genocide Terror-Famine of the Holodomor figures into the steely cold-hearted calculations of rapidly cascading events and the spiral into the Second World War in 1941.

In March of the decisive year 1942 Roosevelt tells his close friend and cabinet adviser Morganthau, “Nothing would be worse than to have the Russians collapse…I would rather lose New Zealand, Australia, or anything else than have the Russians collapse.” The following year Russia took the offensive. (Beatrice B. Berle, and Travis B. Jacobs, Navigating the Rapids, 1918-1971, Harcourt Brace, 1973, 314, cited in M. Hastings, Inferno, 181-3; Robert B. Stinnett, Day of Deceit: The Truth about FDR and Pearl Harbor, NY: Simon & Schuster, The Free Press, 2000; Ted Morgan, FDR: A Biography, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1985, 593; Eric Larrabee, Commander in Chief: Franklin Delano Roosevelt, His Lieutenants & Their War, NY: HarperCollins, 1987, 629)

The senior officers of the Wehrmacht”, writes historian Max Hastings, “flattered themselves that they represented a cultured nation, yet they readily acquiesced in the barbarities designed into the Barbarossa plan. These included the starvation of at least 30 million Russians, in order that their food supplies might be diverted to Germany, originally a conception of Nazi agriculture chief Herbert Backe. At a meeting held on 2 May 1941 to discuss the occupation of the Soviet Union, the army’s armament-planning secretariat recorded its commitment to a policy noteworthy even in the context of the Third Reich: 1 The war can only be continued, if the entire Wehrmacht is fed from Russia in the third year. 2 If we take what we need out of the country, there can be no doubt that many millions of people will die of starvation.” The Hitlerian extermination plan also included total starvation and destruction of Petrograd to be replaced by a modern marvel of futuristic Germanic urbanism. (Germany and the Second World War, Potsdam, v. 4, Research Institute for Military History, Oxford Univ. Press, 341, in Max Hastings, Inferno, The World at War, 1939-1945, NY: Knopf, 2011, 138-9)

The peasants didn’t know what hit them. It was as though a sudden natural disaster, a tsunami or earthquake had toppled and swept away the innocents. They didn’t understand the monstrosity of the crime perpetuated against them in their utter weakness against the merciless crushing force of such a cruel fate. After all, they were only peasants, illiterate, uneducated tillers of the Earth. There were farmers. They knew what was in store for them,– government procurements by police agents stealing all their grain, and seed! The global picture of geopolitics was too high over their heads to comprehend. So it was easy for the Soviets and their state communist propaganda machine to blame the victims for their misfortune.

The peasants are the least to blame. But how could they even dream that the American leaders in the free world could be so utterly cynical and evil unless of course they were the corrupt bourgeois counter-revolutionary capitalists of the West. The name of President Hoover and the American Red Cross persisted as symbols of goodwill since the American intervention during the Russian famine immediately after the First World War. Was there no other way to build “the New Society” of the great new communist state? Did life in Soviet Ukraine have to be a fascist communist hell in a maze of absurd totalitarian nightmares? In 1929 in April when the Sixteenth Communist Party Conference adopted the first Five-Year Plan for the Development of the People’s Economy, the peasants made up over eighty percent of the total population in the Soviet Union. “A hundred thousand tractors will turn the muzhik, the peasant, into a Communist,” declared Lenin. Newsweek bureau chief in Moscow, Owen Mathews (of Ukrainian descent) writes that in that year there are only five tractors for the spring planting in the Ukraine. (Owen Mathews, Stalin’s Children: Three Generations of Love, War, and Survival, NY: Walker, 2008, 25-6)

FDR cajoles that he is a farmer too, “a gentleman farmer” on his 1500 acre estate “Springwood”, high overlooking the Hudson River; his friendly neighbor and close adviser Henry Morgenthau, Jr., is also an apple farmer. His father, President Wilson’s politically appointed ambassador in Turkey in 1915 witnessed the Armenian Genocide and pleads with Ottoman government officials and his own State Department to intervene to cease the bloodshed of mass extermination but it was all in vain. Now his son enjoys trading secrets of good cultivation and prized fruits of their farm labor tilling the soil of the earth under the sun. FDR’s Secretary of Agriculture and future vice-president, is also a farmer. Whereas for the gentlemen farmers this work is a hobby; and relief from the stress of Consortium business, politics and war, for Henry Wallace, FDR’s vice-president during the Holodomor years, farming is a living passion that assumes a cosmic mystical delight. Wallace is fascinated by the life of plants, and what he calls plant “intelligence”. None of these men ever lift a finger to save the Ukrainian population of peasants from Stalin’s campaign of extermination by hunger and terror.

Fascism, pure and simple? Call a spade a spade. Is it not so that it was always meant to be the way it was? The America President Woodrow Wilson, a great expert on the Constitution and former President of Princeton University, saw it already infesting his government during the first year of his first term and fought valiantly but in vain for the ideals of democracy till his death in 1924, repudiated at home and abroad, isolated, and alone. In 1921 Lenin warns his band of Communist Party Commissars of the Politburo which this year becomes the real center of power in the country, to adopt his pro-capitalist New Economic Program (NEP) with food distribution rather than a food tax as the incentive of food production by the peasants still burdened in their backwardness, that fatal curse gripping Russia for centuries. His days are long but his time is brief. Lenin will be dead too soon to see it implemented. Uncertain of a new beginning he warns others in his political testament to remove Stalin, and slowly wasted away poisoned, “incapacitated by his third stroke in March 1923”, and, nearing his end he and his wife are kept virtually a prisoner of Stalin who he had fatally made General Secretary, head of the Secretariat of the communist bureaucracy in 1922 which allows him to stack the nomenklatura and emerge the incontestably the dominant master of the Party by 1929. For Mother Russia it was too late. (Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The Sword and the Shield, The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB, NY: Basic Books– Perseus Books Grp, 1999, 31)

The seeds of fascism had already multiplied their deep roots into the culture of western democracy and totalitarianism. When foreign bankers and businessmen construct and invest in fascist regimes, with their arms soaked in the blood of dictators which they nurture and protect, financially and politically, does that not make them fascists too? Or were the duped American people not unlike the forlorn Ukrainian peasants, victims of the same injustice perpetrated against the poor people of the world by fascists with their incestuous and invisible links between government and corporations which today undermines codes of ethics by global corporations to justify their investment in corrupt pariah regimes.

The author is a child of the Cold War, born in 1954, a year after Stalin’s death. My father served 44 months in the Second World War mostly in Japanese-infested islands of the Pacific. A US Signal Corps officer he joined the US Army after Cornell and Wharton Business School. Nearly everyone alive today are creatures of that era, by-products of Cold War culture which makes this book more pertinent than ever. Both the US and the former USSR are still heavily engaged in “Cold War” mentality and burdened by gigantic military expenditures while civilian populations confront issues of declining health and welfare. Only near the end of his life did he tell war stories of his years in the Pacific while I wondered how the politics in the country sent him there and stole away his youth. My father was in San Francisco on his first leave home in August 1945 when two A-bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

Hunger occurs in various regions of the world as it did in Russia and in America in the thirties. The United Nations’ global food security program reported “more than one billion people – a sixth of the world’s population – are undernourished, according to a BBC report mid-October 2009. World hunger remains widespread increasing daily despite modern techniques of cultivation and mechanization by billionaire dollar corporations trading millions of shares daily such as Caterpillar, International Harvester, John Deere and others with improved seeds and fertilizer. How governments choose to deal with world hunger recalls an amazing story of greed, indifference and deceit during the Holodomor thirties when the gold-plated billionaire Consortium corporate culture was rotten to the core. Leaders and personalities of power in the governing institutions, giant businesses and banks combined to perpetuate a system that at present creates enduring situations of famine in the world worsening daily.

For example, the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) based in Rome said there are today “more hungry people than at any time since 1970” during the Biafra crisis. The world financial crisis had seriously aggravated the problem reducing foreign aid and investment in poorer countries and cut remittances from those working abroad. More hunger. More poverty. More government corruption. More propaganda and unaccountability. American government leaders argue that Russia must change its “mentality”.

Americans must do the same. So must many journalists responsible for honesty and integrity in their jobs of reporting the news and informing the public if not for anything more than to protect the rights of free speech and the freedom of information. For example, the two Wall Street Journal writers of recently published “Enough, Why the World’s Poorest Starve in an Age of Plenty (Perseus Books 2009). A heart-wrenching story or an artful cover-up? First look at its funding sources: The Rockefeller Foundation, the Chicago Council on Global Affairs. Oh my God! I thought. What is this? What is going on here? And there it is, smack from page one the reader is told of the “patriotic duty” of DuPont; then followed by FDR’s Secretary of Agriculture Henry Wallace praised for trail blazing “from the beginning, the Green Revolution”; on the next page ultra-conservative Republican Consortium boss Herbert Hoover and often more aptly described as the mysterious wizard behind the curtain is introduced as the “wealthy mining engineer (who) organized private food-aid drives that fed millions of Europeans during World War I”. Reader, as we go hand-in-hand through this dense forest before catching your breath – keep up! Be careful! Try not to stray off the path for its so easy to get confused and feel lost,– that is what they want!, – we are told how Rockefeller Foundation’s president Raymond B. Fosdick is praised for its research to increase harvests with a team of agronomists led by Harvard and Cornell.

The Rockefeller team of Roger Thurow and Scott Kilman write, “Like Wallace, the professors were big believers in ‘scientific farming.” Bulls-eye! Here again with a traditionally correct twist smacks of elite propagandizing ingenuity aimed to protect the most powerful interests in America and around the world. Rockefeller-funded scientists lead the way to solving the world hunger problem! Amazing, yes? Perhaps. Ha! On closer scrutiny its apparent that these two authors for no odd reason fail to tell readers that from Berlin to Moscow, Rockefeller money led to famine across the whole of the Soviet Union, Genocide in the Ukraine, and the Second World War. Nice little war game this, eh?

Reader remember this: It’s all about money, power and influence, – using it, taking it, and never offending it. Woe to these guys who lost their place in what they liked to call “Our Game” when the USSR came tumbling down in 1991. Read John Le Carre’s novel by the same title and only five years with the British secret service to become England’s great spy raconteur on par with Graham Greene and Ian Fleming, also former FO operatives of the Consortium. The WSJ authors promoted their cause on National Public Radio (NPR), America’s most listened to propaganda agency with “news” virtually manufactured and approved for domestic consumption by the US government. Just substitute “Propaganda” for “Public” before the brainwashing begins. It never ends. Everyday, more of the same, more or less. That’s the way it goes.

Rising and uncertain oil prices, chemical fertilizers, biofuels, soil depletion, climate change, and a host of problems leave it strikingly unclear how world leaders will find the political will to resolve famine in the future. When Rockefeller oil money made the world what it is today, it will take more than money alone to change it. A free mind with new positive and constructive ideas is a good start. Even with a global push to increase food production by 50% by 2029,– and another 100 million people deprived by the 2008 economic slide of adequate means to buy food,– the awareness is growing that the problem is even more severe. Neil MacFarquhar, reporter for The New York Times listened intently for the record. A senior economist at the organization Kostas G. Stamoulis tells him, “‘The way we manage the global agriculture and food security system doesn’t work. There is this paradox of increasing global food production, even in developing countries, yet there is hunger.’” (Roger Thurow and Scott Kilman, Enough, Why the World’s Poorest Starve in an Age of Plenty, Perseus Books, 2009; Neil MacFarquhar, “Experts Worry as Population and Hunger Grow”, TheNYT, Oct. 21, 2009)

Not so long ago in Russia during the lives of our parents and grandparents forced to survive under the terror of state communism, famine and Genocide happened in the Ukraine and other soviet territories. It was the result of orders of communist dictator Premier Joseph Stalin. Memories still haunt Ukrainian family survivors who were children when their mothers and fathers were killed or vanished. Some experts say perhaps at least ten million people were killed. One-quarter of the entire nation perished. Three million Ukrainian children perished in three months! They knew and the survivors and descendants remember how they suffered and died.

But at the time the world outside their villages and country was kept from knowing the reality because the leaders of the West including two Presidents of the United States refused to intervene to stop it. Instead President Roosevelt in his first year in the White House officially refuses to acknowledge it. And in the same year 1933 FDR officially recognized Stalin’s regime of socialist terror. The following year the Soviet Union is invited to join the League of Nations, in September 1934 to put a good face on the strategic alliance forged in betrayal and treachery of the ideal of freedom and the dignity of mankind, but the League “was still a taboo issue in American politics”, notes historian Joseph P. Lash in “From Pacifist to Anti-Fascist” from his book Eleanor and Franklin (1971). (Joseph P. Lash, Eleanor and Franklin, Forward by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., NY: W. W. Norton, 1971, 556)

While editing this book living on my fifty year old teak sloop in the Salt Pond at Block Island I came across a book in the Block Island Free Library, The Siberians by Farley Mowat. This prolific Canadian writer and naturalist, born in 1921 who before the war spent his boyhood exploring the vast wilderness of mountains and plains of his homeland in Saskatchewan in the northwest. A few years later Farley Mowat is commanding a rifle platoon in Operation Husky, the early Allied landings of Sicily; he and later does intelligence work on the surrender of Nazi troops in Holland and on Operation Manna of secret food drops saving thousands of Dutch lives.

One of the most honored and distinguished writers in Canada and recipient of countless awards, Farley is banned from entering the US during the Reagan administration, and later, again banned, in 1998 when invited to an ecology conference. Hostile to his politics, the US Justice Department discloses that Mowat is “on the watch list as a suspected war criminal”. After a public uproar the ban is lifted, but only temporarily.

Author of some twenty books (People of the Deer, 1952; The Regiment, 1955; Lost in the Barrens, 1956;Never Cry Wolf, 1963; The Boat Who Wouldn’t Float, 1969 … ), and noted for his gregarious passion for ethnic peoples and the Arctic tundra in the mid-Sixties was invited to tour Soviet Russia. In Moscow attending a ceremony at the Tchaikovsky Theater in honor of the Ukrainian nationalist poet Ivan Franko (1814-1861) Farley was amused to find speakers addressing their distinguished audience in their national Ukrainian language although the Russian-speaking Minister of Culture for the Ukrainian Socialist Republic is obliged to ask for a translation.

On his tour through the Siberia taiga Mowat learns to appreciate the burden of false notions carried in the baggage of propaganda and their subtle differences between East and West. “Our belief (it is almost a tenet of faith),” Mowat writes, “that the Russians are mindlessly manipulated by their propaganda agencies like a bunch of automata is one of our more glaring misconceptions. In my experience most Russians are so immunized to the propaganda downpour that it runs off them like water off a duck. Furthermore, most Russian internal propaganda is so unpalatable, and is prepared by such unimaginative dullards, that nobody but a born fool would pay much attention to it. There are undoubtedly born fools in Russia but most Russians do not fall into this category. The real nature of the situation is summed up in the words of a Soviet correspondent who spent five years in the United States and with whom I once had a discussion about the relative effectiveness of propaganda in our mutual countries. ‘I have the greatest admiration for your propaganda,’ he told me. ‘Propaganda in the West is carried on by experts who have had the best training in the world– in the field of advertising– and have mastered the techniques with exceptional proficiency.’

“ ‘On the other hand,’ he added, somewhat wryly, ‘we never had such a training ground because we had very little to advertise. Consequently, our propagandists are mostly old-fashioned and inept, and they try to make up by sheer volume of words for what they lack in ability. Yours are subtle and pervasive, ours are crude and obvious. This is one thing. Another is that we Russians are not, by nature, a gullible people. We are, and always have been, suspicious of what we cannot see for ourselves. You can call it the peasant mentality if you like. At any rate it is quite a different attitude from the rather charming naviété which makes many North Americans incapable of doubting or assessing what they are told by their leaders and their communications media. I think the fundamental difference between our two worlds, with regard to propaganda, is quite simple. You tend to believe yours…and we tend do disbelieve ours’.” (Farley Mowat, The Siberians, NY: Penguin, 1970, 83-4)


Genocide is a unique phenomenon for modern man. It has a special power to kill. And power is habit-forming. Stalin made a habit of it and his regime thrived because of it. Stalin extended his success in the Ukraine by exterminating other nationalities, and then extending to other groups and sectors of his population even including his own political hierarchy of the communist political soviet system. Jews were spared the terrible anti-Semite persecution they suffered under the Tsar. Many of the leading Bolsheviks were Jews, as were the commissars of the dreaded secret police, the Chekha. Stalin resorted to similar methods casting to their fate more people fighting for their Motherland in the war against the fascist Hitler which took another twenty or more million. (The experts are out on the exact calculation.) German efficiency perfected the crude, rough and barren methods of the Russian “barbarians” with their genocidal death camps of the Jews. Hitler’s fanatical fascists would not spare even his most brilliant Jewish bankers and industrialists. Stalin’s terror becomes Hitler’s obsession and Russian Jewish communism his worst nightmare setting the world aflame.

Secrecy and deception is the modus operandi for all Presidents and their diplomatic agents from the shameless George Bush family– father and son, to George Washington and back to Franklin Delano Roosevelt when the Russian Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin decimated the Ukrainians in the 1932-34 famine terror. For years the communist man-made famine swept through their fertile land of rich black soil. Why did they have to perish? The Ukrainians never really knew what hit them. Did they all have to die so that the great new Soviet society could live?

What dark forces were behind the plan for extermination of millions of hardworking men, women and children? And why were they never told the truth of the almighty international political intrigue that sent them to their doom. It happened then, and with ignorance of its real causes it might happen again. That haunts Viktor Yushchenko, swept into the presidency during the 2004 Orange Revolution, and fuels his crusade against reactionary indifference of the Russofied citizens of the Ukraine.

For Americans, it was printed on every dollar: put your faith in God, – not men. The first president of the United States graces every US dollar bill with the words “In God We Trust”. George Washington himself said, “The necessity of procuring good Intelligence is apparent need not be further urged. All that remains for me to add is, that you keep the whole matter as secret as possible. For upon Secrecy, Success depends in most Enterprises of the kind, & for want of it, they are generally defeated, however well planned & promising a favourable issue.”

Governments seldom reveal their best kept secrets. FDR wrote in code, thought in code and spoke in code. Few leaders and advisers understood the full meaning of many of his pensive meanderings. Many associates insisted on documents and instructions in writing, some of which he delivered, mostly not. Memoirs for the most part are largely entertaining anecdotal histories; classified documents are more useful in distinguishing fact from fiction and idle pursuits of memory. Governments protect their government men, especially these men in the Washington and London living in their tidy homes, offices and clubs, and did nothing to help. These men in trim government suits let millions of poor people who proudly and faithfully tilled the soil of the Earth die a wretched death by hunger and starvation under a state socialized system of Terror-Famine and oppression that they had put in place and paid for in dollars and debts and machines of modern technology. Then when it went haywire as they knew it would they did what they had to do to save themselves, closed their secret files, and went to dinner to enjoy another tasty meal with their friends and families. Men of honor would have vomited out their guts if they had witnessed the consequences of what they did and did not do. Instead, Stalin’s henchmen buried and burned the bodies while the proud diplomats, bankers and lawyers and businessmen of the Anglo-American Consortium that emerged politically omnipotent and fabulously rich from the mud and blood of WWI covered up their tracks and promoted each others’ career.

And so it happened in Soviet Russia in the early 1930s that a holodomor, “death by starvation” was inflicted on this nation of peasants. Holo means hunger in Ukrainian, domor means death. As many as ten million people were deliberately killed according to widely quoted figures of some Holodomor protagonists. Perhaps to the reader it it sounds so incredible that it couldn’t be true. Impossible! You say. A Genocide of that magnitude in the thirties? Could it really be true?

The Powers-that-Be buried the history with skulls and bones of the dead. The perpetrators of the notorious crime showed no mercy and left barely a trace to remember the victims and blasphemy of the crime. Ten million victims perished. That’s a conservative estimate of Stalin, and his spokesman for The New York Times William Duranty. The death toll may be much higher.

Ten million is an astonishing figure, too abstract to imagine as real, yet Americans today have almost no memory of understanding of the twenty odd million loss, civilians and soldiers, including Ukrainians, who perished in the Second World War less than a decade after the Holodomor while in the same conflict the Americans officially suffered only 416,837 killed.* The incredible disparity of losses among Allies claiming victory over Nazi Germany and Japan alone ought to raise eye-brows that something dark and secret is buried in those figures master-minded by the warmongers seeking empire, i.e. world domination. This same logic of machination is still spell-bound in a fragile balance of political, military and diplomatic intrigue between the superpowers. (*WWII death toll from the US Congressional Research Report, “American War and Military Operations Casualties”, Feb. 26, 2010. The same report cites 10,725,345 Soviet dead and some 6 million captured. Russia today estimates are closer to 17 million military war dead, and twice that of civilian victims.)

Exposure of their role as perpetrators of the crime was too painful to confront or admit and so they remained shielded by their estates and headlines of a different nature. Their intention was to divert, mask, conceal. And they did so deftly, wielding economic and political power to control society and rendered the masses ignorant of the truth and impotent to resist. And for more than a half-century the perpetrators leveled layer upon level of diversion and concealment of the true historicity of their complicity cast in their crime.

Down to this day when few have dared to risk their academic careers exposing the traditional version of “History” as the trumped and tragic fake it really was. As I write this week The New York Times published a story on the declining numbers of contemporary diplomatic and political history courses offered at American universities teaching establishment history, culturally political correct interpretations which mostly have very little to do with the realities of the actual events. At the same time the Dean of Faculty at Johns Hopkins University maintained that “traditional diplomatic and economic history are still the specialties that are best suited to deal with American problem’s today”. However, one historian selected to put the priority of knowledge in context as we become more socially, culturally aware. “We’ll widen our frame of reference, while not losing sight of the remarkable fact that a very small number of people still have the power to lead nations into war.” (“Great Caesar’s Ghost! Vanishing on Campus”, The NYT, June 11, 2009)

In 2007, the Ukrainian delegation to the General Assembly raised the question of recognizing the Holodomor as an act of Genocide against the Ukrainian people. Putin’s alarming resurgence of a Stalinist-inspired monolithic Russian dictatorship and Ukraine’s president Viktor Yanukovich’s regressive return power with a fiercely pro-Russian alignment are both decidedly against it. The Day newspaper published in Kiev observed “Russia’s official representatives at the UN did everything possible to have the definition of the Holodomor as an act of Genocide excluded from the Joint Statement of 36 nations on the 70th anniversary of Ukrainian Holodomor.” (The Day, Nov. 22, 2005)

The following year on October 23 the European Parliament adopted a resolution that recognized “the artificial famine of 1932-1933” of the Holodomor as a crime against Humanity. (EU Parliament Press Release, October 23, 2008). Earlier in May, on the occasion of a state visit by President Yushchenko to the Canadian Parliament where he was welcomed by Prime Minister Stephen Harper, the Holodomor was formally recognized as Genocide, and to establish a Ukrainian Famine and Genocide Memorial Day (Bill c-459).


In November 2008, Russian President Dmitri Medvedev wrote Ukraine President Yushchenko refusing to participate in Ukraine’s 75th commemoration events of what he described officially as “the so-called Holodomor”. Medvedev is Putin’s pawn following in Putin’s steps. When Putin won his contested 2012 presidential election, he immediately switched places with Medvedev stepping down to become Russia’s new Prime Minister in Putin’s new government.

Medvedev left no stone unturned in Putin’s attack blaming Yushchenko even for exploiting the tragedy for personal political gain. President Medvedev wrote, “I am forced to point out that, in our opinion, the tragic events of the early 1930s in Ukraine are being used to achieve immediate short-term political goals. In this regard, the thesis on the ‘centrally planned genocidal famine of Ukrainians’ is being gravely manipulated. As a result, including thanks to your personal efforts, this interpretation has even received legislative support. In particular, I am referring to the law passed on 28 November 2006 by the Verkhovnaya Rada (Ukrainian parliament) that you signed, which states that “the famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine was a genocide against the Ukrainian people”.

The Russian president rejected the argument that Stalin deliberately sought to destroy Ukrainian nationalists and the Ukraine as a separate nation. “The famine,” Medvedev declared,” in the Soviet Union in 1932-1933 was not aimed at the destruction of any one nation. It was the result of a drought, forced collectivization and dekulakization (campaign of political repressions of the better-off peasants and their families) and affected the entire country, not only Ukraine. Millions of people in the middle and lower Volga regions, northern Caucasus, central Russia, southern Urals, western Siberia, Kazakhstan and Belarus died. We do not condone the repression carried out by the Stalinist regime against the entire Soviet people. But to say that it was aimed at the destruction of Ukrainians means going against the facts and trying to give a nationalist subtext to a common tragedy.” And yet, only during this period earlier in the mid-eighties under the easing of restraints and Gorbachev’s call for glasnost reforms, or openness in Communist Soviet society which of course in turn dealt a death blow to corrupt Marxist-Leninist dogma out of sync with a younger generation born long after Stalin’s departure, and the opening up of mass graves, the digging up skulls and bones of murdered victims as the upsurge of Ukrainian nationalism shook even within Soviet army units based in Ukraine and running throughout the ranks of the Soviet army in which 17 per cent of its recruits came from Ukraine.

Formerly the Financial Times correspondent in Moscow before and after the Gorbachev era David Satter makes a very good point of this essential struggle to uncover the truth of the Holodomor with this compelling link between the surviving memory of the Holodomor and the final resurgence of Ukrainian nationalism which struck at the bloodline of the Soviet Red Army responsible for maintaining internal order and national defense. In Age of Delirium, The Decline and Fall of the Soviet Union (1996), Satter handily traces recent insurgent Ukrainian nationalism in this unfolding drama, and he writes, “The Russian soldiers feared they would be excluded from a Ukrainian army or forced to leave Ukraine. Almost all of them were skeptical of the Ukrainian nationalists and pointed out that the blue and yellow Ukrainian flag had been used by partisans who committed atrocities during the war. … They spoke about the 1933 famine and Communist Party corruption and argued that the only future for Ukraine was an independent state…an entire air-defense regiment refused to carry out the order to transfer its base to Semipalatinsk, where nuclear tests were conducted. The wives of the officers went on a hunger strike in the town’s central square and officers asked Kravchuk* for political asylum.” (David Satter, Age of Delirium, The Decline and Fall of the Soviet Union, NY: Knopf, 1996, 374-5; * Leonid Makarovych Kravchuk, the first President of post-Soviet Ukraine (1991-1994) was born in 1934 in the peasant village of Velykyi Zhytyn (Żytyń Wielki) in Poland which became part of Rivne Oblast in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic after the 1939 Soviet invasion.)

We know from Stalin’s own hand, however, that by 1932 he feared “losing the Ukraine”. Stalin regarded Ukrainian nationalism as an enemy to be crushed at all cost. As both Communist Party leader and Soviet Premier Stalin imposed a greater tyranny on the people of Ukraine no less terrible than under the Russian Czars and worse than suffered under Ivan IV in the 16th century.

Three hundred years after Ivan, the astute French diplomat Marquis de Custine in his 19th century classic travel account to Russia told of his journey to St. Petersburg and Moscow,— and exactly one hundred years before Hitler invaded Poland in 1939: His words ring true today as well they did when he first laid eyes on the East. “In Russia, the government dominates everything and gives life to nothing. In this vast Empire, the people, if they are not tranquil, are silent; death hovers over all heads and strikes them capriciously – this serves to create doubt of the supreme justice; there man has two coffins – the cradle and the tomb.” (Marquis de Custine, The Russian Journals of Marquis de Custine, Journey For Our Time, Gateway Ed., 1987)


How many Ukrainians died? The total count of victims from Stalin’s repressions resulting from abortive soviet state agricultural policies is mind-boggling. Twenty million persons are said to have died of starvation in all the afflicted Soviet territories. In the Ukraine alone the number of victims of the famine of the 1932-33 period increased from 3.5 million to 7 million, with estimates surpassing even 10 million. Most Holodomor experts concur that the famine was most severe in the Ukraine, the North Caucasus Kuban, the middle and lower Volga, and in Kazakhstan. Furthermore, the Terror-Famine was most severe in the fertile grain-producing sectors where state collectivization reforms, propaganda violent suppression of the peasant population were most intensive.

A generation passed after the Holodomor before anyone reopened US State Department government files on the Holodomor. These official state records had been processed, and sequestered in remote places where they had been ignored and might have been entirely lost or forgotten until a US government agricultural specialist sought them out for his study published in 1964 entitled “The Great Famine in Ukraine 1932-34”. An economist with the US Department of Agriculture, and formerly attached to the USAID, Dr. Dana Dalrymple used these “previously unopened records of the US Department of State for 1933” in an effort to get the causes and numbers straight and assemble an accurate picture of what happened in those years. (Dr. Dana Dalrymple, “The Great Famine in Ukraine 1932-34” originally published in Soviet Studies, Jan. 1964)

Extracting coherence from these records was no simple task. Dr. Dalrymple assembled and published various accounts of the Genocide. Dalrymple also recorded eye-witness stories. While the dying and the dead were to be found at first on the streets of the main cities, it is in the villages where famine killed most. There were many reasons to be frustrated. “At the outset,” Dalrymple writes, “it is difficult to make a precise estimate of the number of deaths from the famine.” Dalrymple received no assistance from Moscow albeit the inquiry occurred during the apex of Cold War hostilities of the Kennedy-Johnson era. At the time Dalrymple stated, “The Soviet government not only has refused official recognition of its existence, but has not published any figures that might be used to calculate mortality.” He methodically combed through evidence in the absence of “crude birth or death rates during the famine period” none of which were disclosed by Soviet authorities. However, his findings indicated detailed knowledge of the Terror-Famine at the time among the diplomatic corps in Moscow.

Following publication of the Dalrymple findings, that same year the State Department accepts the death toll figure of 5 million Holdomor victims. The US government officially describes the Holodomor as “among the worst famines of all time”. It was a no brainer but still a step in the right direction, albeit dicey. In 1948, in his book Europe on the Move published by Columbia University, an Ivy League establishment icon, writer Eugene Kulischer indicated that at the least 5 million deaths occurred as a result of Stalin’s collectivization drive. Two years earlier, with the Cold War enveloping geopolitics, the New York firm Dutton published Nicholas Timasheff’s The Great Retreat with an 8 million death count. (Eugene M. Kulischer, Europe on the Move, Columbia Univ. Press, NY, 1948, 96. Kulischer suggests the publication of annual mortality data ceased before the famine;Nicholas S. Timasheff, The Great Retreat, NY: Dutton, 1946)

During the crisis it was commonly accepted by well-informed diplomats that the Holodomor was far worse than the terrible famine during the Lenin era with intervention by the Hoover American Relief Administration (ARA), and it was not unthinkable to estimate a total mortality at least be as high as eight million victims. For the record Dr. Dalrymple drew attention to the transcript of a conversation between the astute diplomat Felix Cole, US Chargé d’affaires in Riga, Latvia, and junior embassy officer John Lehrs with “a member of the staff of a foreign legation in Moscow.” The famine, Dalrymple observes, “was frankly admitted on several occasions by officials of the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs to members of the Moscow diplomatic corps.” (W. Horsley Gantt, “A Medical Review of Soviet Russia: Results of the First Five-Year Plan,” British Medical Journal, July 4 and 18, 1936, 19 and 128, reprinted in his Russian Medicine, v. XX of Clio Medica, NY: Harper & Bros, 1937. Dalrymple benefited from conversations with Dr. Gantt (1892-1980) in Dec. 1963 and Oct. 1964, and from a letter dated March 6, 1964; Lorimer; Felix Cole to Sec. of State dispatch No. 1633, Oct. 4, 1933, US State Department General Records, National Archives Record Group 59, SDDF 861.48/2450; Dr. D. Dalrymple, “The Great Famine in Ukraine 1932-34”, Soviet Studies Jan. 1964; D. Dalrymple, Letter from Warren Eason, Department of Economics, Princeton Univ., March 27, 1963)

All things considered– excluding mortality by disease–, assessment of the official Holodomor death toll confronts a vast abyss where some five to ten million people perished. Ten million! Men, women, children. Civilians. Ordinary people. Families. Common hard-working field peasants of the Soviet bread-basket. We will never know how many perished. Published by Neva in the Soviet Union, in 1962, two years prior to Dalrymple’s paper, Ivan Stadnyuk wrote in his realistic novel, Lyudi ne angely (People Are Not Angels), “The men died first, then the children, and finally the women,” Stadnyuk wrote in the story of a young boy who proudly returns to his country village as an Soviet Air Cadet, dressed in shiny boots and red epaulets only to be denounced by jealous informers. His father commits suicide.

Soon it would be the Jews in Germany and Eastern Europe. The victims were defenseless Ukrainians and other Russians, many of them Christians whose religion worshiped pagan goddesses of fertility and rebirth and celebrated harvest holidays that followed the sun and moon and seasons. Their ancient and traditional beliefs fused with the Christian God and those Holy saints. These were a holy people of the Earth, with a rich and deep spiritual past. Yet, in this ancient land the vestiges of that epic tragedy survived the onslaught. Nationalist Ukrainian traditions embedded in customs, language and memory merge with the modern complexity of contemporary Ukraine reflected in the symbols of mass media and market trends.

The human cry of the Holodomor strives to pierce the cacophony of capitalist globalization and be heard above the silence of despair.

There are very few books on the Ukrainian famine. Russia has never recognized the Holodomor. It ought to strike the reader odd that the Jews have thousands of books and daily media steaming televised and radio commentary to preserve the memory of their Nazi Holocaust but the Ukrainians are virtually ignored despite the higher death toll during the same period of foreign investment and Hitler’s ascendancy with the National Socialist Party in Germany. There are many reasons to explain why that is that surface in the story of the Holodomor.

The initiative set down by Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko since his hard-fought election victory in 2005 witnessed for months on millions of screens around the world aimed to change that with the establishment of a national Holodomor research institution.