Category Archives: Sample pages


How do you put “a face on the faceless”?

Former British intel op Robert Conquest tried to do it in 1986 with his book Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine. Information is disinformation. That might seem like a contradiction in logic. It is not. It is no mere coincidence that the Conquest famine book was published the same year research findings were published by Holodomor historian and Kiev resident James Mace and the US Commission Investigation of the Ukrainian Famine, 1932–1933. Two years later Washington published the US CongressReport on the Ukraine Famine (1988). An interesting synchronicity was in play.

In fact, Mace and Conquest actually collaborated on their famine research. Both were Harvard research fellows and at the time both were funded by Harvard University’s Ukrainian Research Institute.

Think about it. Immediately that should tell raise eyebrows. Follow the money. There are always strings attached. And they can be cut as easily as they are pulled. Don’t bite the hand that feeds you. Leave it to the Harvard, Princeton and Yale cronies and that’s what you get: the Harvard-Princeton-Yale take. Conformity has many versions of coercion with subtle but no less brutal methods of persuasion. It took me a long time to get that clear in my head; my Kent prep school roomie at Yale, a Varsity oarsman for three years – (the first up in the morning and the last to eat in the day, double training routines) –, refused the cap-and –gown parade; his father was Yale but with one credit to go, he bucked it. No diploma, freed of the Yale karma. Don’t get me wrong here, reader. I love the place. Like when I found “the King” himself, blues legend B. B. King standing in the vestibule to the Calhoun College dining room, apparently feeling out of place and a little lost, alone under the stain-tall glass windows, Gothic gargoyles and paneled walls. So I asked Mr. King if he wouldn’t be inconvenienced to join me for lunch. The King and I. I still feel the chills when he recalled his childhood. Such rare honors are not that infrequent at Yale. Such grace and dignity tempered by timeless inspiring humility. God save the King!

But neither Conquest nor Mace could completely get away with ignoring, distorting or suppressing the truth. A rational person might think it would be very hard to kill some ten million people and get away with it. But these were not very rational times. And they did, then, and many scholars and politicians, businessmen and financiers with their hacks in media still intend to keep the truth buried today. Funny, he then went on to introduce garbage recycling on conveyor belts in the late seventies.

Conquest and Mace had to move quickly to get their propaganda version neatly embedded in historicity of the politically correct and indelible path of memory, if not only to reach beyond the landscape of bitter suffering and truth that surfaced a decade before, in 1973, when Solzhenitsyn made public his remarkable trilogy of The Gulag Archipelago. After all, the Russian writer and former Soviet army officer had lived and witnessed first-hand the Holodomor terrorism of those same years, when it was called the “Plague”. It was incredible. How could it be! He wrote how so many were lost, without the odes and poets to recall the souls of these dead Ukrainians and fellow Soviet citizens of famished territories.

Solzhenitsyn recalls the vanquished lives before their last traces vanished completely from the collective memory. “Fifteen million souls. Fifteen million lives. They weren’t educated people, of course. They couldn’t play the violin. They didn’t know who Meyerhold was, or how interesting it is to be a nuclear physicist … about the silent, treacherous Plague which starved fifteen million of our peasants to death, choosing its victims carefully and destroying, the backbone and mainstay of the Russian stones mark the crossroads where they went in creaking carts to their doom. Our finest humanists, so sensitive to today’s injustices, in those years only nodded approvingly: Quite right, too! Just what they deserve! It was all kept so dark, every stain so carefully scratched out, every whisper so swiftly choked, that whereas I now have to refuse kind offers of material on the camps – ‘No more, my friends, I have masses of such stories, I don’t know where to put them!’ – nobody brings me a thing about the deported peasants. Who is the person that could tell us about them? Where is he? … I cannot document even one chapter thoroughly. All the same, I shall make a beginning. Set my chapter down as a marker, like those first stones – to mark the place where the new Temple of Christ the Savior will someday be raised.”

So, throwing up his hands in frustration, Solzhenitsyn asked, “Where did it all start?” Why not start with 1929 and its “murder lists, the confiscations, the deportations”, and the gavel crashing down on the peasants with the official Party decree of February 1, 1930 for “complete confiscation of the property of the kulaks” and deportation from their village homes “to points beyond the boundaries of certain regions and provinces”. (A. I. Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago, v. 3, 350-2)

Solzhenitsyn had survived the Terror-Famine and the Purges, prison camps, the propaganda of The Plans and Stalinization of Russia transformed into one giant monopoly of foreign investment and development by the unseen hand of the Anglo-American Consortium. He lived through all that and assiduously kept a record in three published volumes describing the Soviet human experience under the political absurdity of centralized planning by the Soviet socialized state. That is a very good question: “Where did it all start?”

In the same year 1973 Solzhenitsyn’s GulagArchipelago saw the light of day, another truth-telling event of the Russian Soviet experience surfaced in the West, another set of three volumes precisely researched and clearly written that revealed details buried by the so-called Cold War, that euphemism for the next phase of American power by one of the same State Department bureaucracy’s literary architects skilled in producing propaganda of the Holodomor, namely the virtuoso George Kennan in Moscow.

If you want a new perspective on history you owe it to yourself to discover Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Put his volumes alongside Tolstoy, Dostoevsky and Antony Sutton’s Western Technology and Soviet Economic Development1917-1965, monumental contribution published ironically by the conservativeHoover Institute at Stanford University from 1968 to 1973. With exhaustive detail and source referencing Sutton showed the extent of financial and industrial collaboration and technology transfer between Washington and Moscow behind Stalin’s Five-Year Plans and the Terror-Famine totalitarian regime of the Holodomor. Capital and technology imported from the West; slave labor, police terror and propaganda, a home brew of Marxist-Leninist Bolshevism and totalitarian Stalinism cooked up from East.


Washington and Moscow. Hoover and Roosevelt and Stalin. Capitalism and Communism. Together these forces combined to secretly build the Soviet gulag state system implementing a Consortium strategy in a race with time to crush the rising pyramid of Hitler’s Nazi fascism and emerge as unchallenged victors of the Second World War. Most uncanny bedfellows! The political observer Gareth Jones wrote in November 1932 nearing the peak of the Holodomor winter “In short it forecasts that in this the last winter of the Five-Year Plan the question will still be: “Will there be soup? ”

By the mid-1930s economic conditions in America and Soviet Russia began to improve. Recognition of the Communist regime by the richest capitalized nation is a boost of enormous magnitude as were the huge industrial complexes installed under the supervision of Bolshevik commissars, Soviet and American engineers and their American companies all with household names: General Electric , with its headquarters in Schenectady, New York, Westinghouse, Detroit’s Ford Motor Company, US Steel, DuPont, American Caterpillar and many more well-known and lesser known firms including the controlling investments by the Rockefellers, Morgans, Mellons, Harrimans and others. When pro-Stalin supporters cheered the great achievement of the military and industrial success of the USSR’s first and second Five-Year Plans, it was never said that the technology came mostly from the West. To admit Stalin was a patsy of the capitalists was a counterrevolutionary attack on sacred Communist Party doctrine. Anyone in the Soviet Union who dared to make such a claim would regret it, and probably shot as an “enemy of the people”. After all, didn’t the Party provide the mass labor necessary to build and run the factories and industrial plants?

The Ukrainian Terror-Famine was man-made as was its concealment, two sides of the very same coin. Master-minded in the labyrinth of the ornate rooms of the ancient fortified Palace of Russian Czars, the Kremlin is as daunting and mysterious as the men who lived there, as it were, haunted by the ghosts of Ivan the Terrible and his successors who ruled the empire after pushing back the Moguls in the 13th century. Protected in this ancient fortress for over three decades Stalin ruled like a God controlling the fate of more than a hundred million people of diverse ethnicity living in nations that became republics of Moscow’s central authority symbolized by the impregnable Kremlin. Those who caught a glimpse of the omnipotent ruler overlooking the glorious Red Army on May Day parade or for the anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. From here Stalin issued orders to implement his Terror-Famine campaign of the Holodomor against the Ukraine with blood-soaked hands of his accomplices in the Anglo-American Consortium’s network of banks, law firms and corporations eager to use the slave labor of soviet terrorism for profit.

The Holodomor cover-up does not end there. It continues today with conferences and memorial ceremonies orchestrated by propagandists from Washington and academics invited the honorable universities where they are rewarded with lofty salaries and publishing deals unthinkable in the Ukraine. Oh! Don’t offend the conference hosts at Harvard’s Ukrainian Institute, or Princeton’s George Kennan Center or at Yale’s Slavic Studies. These good people relish the rituals living in America with healthy salaries and benefits, neat incentives for their career? But who is to blame them?

Even when President Barak Obama visits Russia in mid-July 2009 and vows to “reboot” relations with Russia, the disinformation keeps one foot in the past. At the same time in the United Nations General Assembly delegates gathered in July to debate what The New York Times described as “the concept known as ‘the responsibility to protect’.” Shortened to “R2P” in diplo-speak, the nations of the world have yet to understand “how the world body should intervene to stop genocide, war crimes, crimes against Humanity and ethnic cleansing”. Delegates worry “that the more it is debated, the less consensus will emerge”. (“When to Step in to Stop War Crimes Causes Fissures”, The NYT, July 23, 2009)


Genocide and politics are inseparable partners in organized crime against Humanity. Denial is always mixed with accusations and counter-accusations of responsibility. In the geo-political balance of power of the “Big Lie” of the Kiplingesque “Great Game” no one is innocent.” Make no mistake about it. Politics is proxy war played out in times of peace. The content of propaganda may shift with the focus but it comes from the same culture that thrives on war and destruction for which the masses always pay dearly with their lives, and some are fatally cut short.

Holodomor revisionist Robert Conquest was a British spy. A paid informer easily capable of betrayal (after all it was his job), Conquest, born in 1917, educated at Oxford, was a cagey writer eagerly serving the agenda of distraction and subterfuge rather than assume a personal risk exposing the role played by his masters in the British Foreign Office during the Holodomor years. Like others of his kind he was hired to keep the secrets, not expose them.

Even today London prefers the modest wonder boy Gareth Jones for breaking through the barrier of press censorship rather than having to deal with the tedious mendacity of the Foreign Office and Britain’s complicity with the Kremlin, and this at a time when all the puppet strings lead back to the Empire’s links with the Consortium culture. Quite a twist of Fate that cost Jones his life. For his part in the Holodomor controversy Conquest opted for a comfortable professional life as a paid civil servant of the British Foreign Office’s disinformation and propaganda department (IRD). There during the Second World War he served his British masters until 1956 when he leaves the cloak of government to join the private publishing sector that he had so skillfully infiltrated as a former communist and British informer before the era of the “the supreme muzhik Nikita Khrushchev”. Or Yeltsin in his resurrected Russia. (A. I. Solzhenitsyn, “the supreme muzhik Nikita Khrushchev”, in The Oak and the Calf: Sketches of Literary Life in the Soviet Union, Harper & Row, 1979, 21)

As we examine later, the shadow of his past shatters the flimsy political motives and any claim to integrity of Conquest’s anti-communist books. It is clear that Conquest like his predecessors was bent on protecting the puppet-masters both in London and Washington from public exposure for their hidden complicity and denial in the Ukrainian Holodomor for over a half-century. This is not an incidental or trite piece of rhetorical disorder. Moreover it’s an intellectual corruption of the first order. But lets face it; his career and pension depended on that complicity and subterfuge. Instead of academic exile the intellectual is rewarded for his complicity in the crime of cover-up, deception and denial. And his sordid career lends itself to the masquerade of a darker wretchedness. Conquest is a tool of the spymasters.

The case of the young Welshman Gareth Jones as we shall see is also invariably tied with intractable knots and emboldened mystery. During Ukraine’s newly resurgence and all too brief break from Moscow, the chapter of the Holodomor in world history enters a new revision of political football between Moscow and Washington, each with their own agenda to protect. In 2005 President George Bush the Younger actually awards Conquest the Presidential Medal of Freedom, America’s highest acclaim for civilians exercising exemplary patriotism in their craft, yet slight compensation for a second-rate spy who never achieved the fame or notoriety shared by Smiley’s people or the likes of contemporaries Somerset Maugham, Lawrence Durrell, Graham Greene or John Le Carre.

First Duranty then came Conquest. The Consortium always honor their own. It’s a process for the continuity of legitimacy of power, lies and deceit. There is a long line of establishment academic writers lining up and waiting to pay their dues for just rewards. When monuments are erected in Washington for the victims of the Holodomor, what will these future historians write then?

In the early 1930s, Ukraine was ravaged by the wholesale slaughter and destruction of peasant village communities. No body count has ever been released by the Soviet Russian authorities. Bodies disappeared, buried in the fields burned or vanished in unmarked and mass graves along the route in all directions to forced labor concentration camps in the mines and forests deep inside the immense regions of the Soviet Union and never to be seen or heard from again. Party hierarchies in the Ukraine, and elsewhere were regularly purged of “wreckers”, “saboteurs”, “bloodsuckers”, and “enemies of the people”. Survivors would soon perish a few years later fighting the German Nazi invasion in World War Two. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 mass graves of executed prisoners began to appear in the press of shattered propaganda myths and smashed communist icons.

No family in the Ukraine was immune or unaffected. It is hard to put words on a political and humanitarian catastrophe of such unthinkable proportions. But that is just it, the problem is that it is not unthinkable and never was. Few were spared first Stalin’s, then Hitler’s machinations. “This was the nub of the plan,” observed Solzhenitsyn, writing, “the peasant’s seed must perish together, with the adults. Since Herod was no more, only the Vanguard Doctrine has shown us how to destroy utterly down to the very babes. Hitler was a mere disciple, but he had all the luck; his murder camps have made him famous, whereas no one has any interest in ours at all.”(A. I. Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago, v. 3, 359)

Serious establishment authors who refuse to recognize the vital role played principally by American corporations in the development of the modern Soviet state are simply not credible. “A regular flow of American machines and industrial equipment fueled soviet industrial development”, wrote Kings College historian Richard Overy and British journalist Andrew Wheatcroft in their book The Road to War (1987). Unfortunately, they too failed to observe that the flow continued virtually uninterrupted until the era of the Holodomor in the Ukraine and famine elsewhere disrupting life throughout the Soviet Union and threatened to shake Stalin’s tyranny and end his inhumane regime of terror, forced labor, and propaganda. Such misreading of the historical record is overtly suspicious of complicity with the secret agenda of the Consortium and its agents in academia and publishing. (Richard Overy and Andrew Wheatcroft, The Road to War: The Origins of World War II, 1987)


The Terror-Famine was a personal tragedy suffered by all Ukraine. In 2004 the Holodomor became a symbol of national solidarity with the official backing of resident Viktor Andriiovych Yushchenko and his wife Katrina, a former American-born citizen from Chicago of Ukrainian descent. Another “must-read” on contemporary Ukraine is the work of Andrew Wilson, author of Ukraine’s Orange Revolution (2005). At the time,AndrewWilsonwas at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies (SSEES) of the University College in London, and since promoted to senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations and honorary fellow of the Royal Institute of International Affairs.

Viktor Andriiovych Yushchenko was born in 1954. Both his father and mother were villager teachers; his father Andrei taught foreign languages and his mother Barbara, mathematics. Viktor Yushchenko’s father who came from Sumy served in the Red Army was captured, but escaped from seven Nazi concentration camps (Auschwitz, Buchenwald, Dachau…). The elder Yushchenko died in 1992. In Ukraine’s Orange Revolution British writer Andrew Wilson observes with keen perspicacity : “Many of those who returned to the Soviet Union were shot, and others shot before they could return, so young Viktor was doubly lucky to be born… . Viktor Yushchenko is a country boy. He speaks with an accent that involves some surzhyk, a unique convergence of Russian and Ukrainian; his perilous hobby is bee-keeping. Yushchenko has heard terrible stories in his youth of the Great Famine 1932-33 caused by Stalin’s collectivization and grain-requisitioning policies, when rural regions such as Sumy were ravaged by some of the highest death rates, estimated at between 15 to 20 percent of the local population – some four hundred souls in Yushchenko’s immediate region.” (Andrew Wilson, Ukraine’s Orange Revolution, Yale Univ. Press, 2005)

The early personal history of Katherine Yushchenko-Chumachenko, Viktor Yushchenko’s second wife, is also a tale that touches the miraculous. Originally came from the Ukrainian disapora, her parents separately survived the Holodomor only to be captured by the Nazis. They meet in Germany, where they are both ostarbeiters (slave laborers from Eastern Europe) and liberated after the war somehow find their way to Chicago. After studying economics at Georgetown University, Katherine earns her MBA at the University of Chicago (1986) before joining President Reagan’s State Department. She moves to Kiev (1993) where she works with the international consulting firm KPMG, and marries Viktor (1998) when he is the “highly successful” head of the Ukrainian National Bank according to Wilson; that’s a bold understatement given the country’s dire status for double-book corruption, money-laundering economy, and ingenious tax scams. During the 2004 election campaign, the Yushchenkos suffer “vicious attacks”, in particular, against his wife over alleged CIA connection, but not about money-laundering and corruption which hit too close to home President Kuchma and state institutions. All in all, during the election the press construct for the world a very clean image if not total white-wash of the ascendancy of Victor Yushchenko. And nothing is ever disclosed how the Americans swept in quickly depossessing the Ukraine of its nuclear arsenal after it broke away can reclaimed its national independence. That full story awaits to be told.

Yet in view of the disappearance of hundreds of millions of dollars and billions from the decommissioned nuclear arsenal of the former Soviet Russian empire hidden in the Ukraine, Wilson writes “the NBU (National Bank of Ukraine) was guilty of extremely creative accounting. The IMF stopped funding Ukraine, despite Yushchenko’s apology. The NBU’s inelegant defense is that they did what they had to do to survive in the conditions of the time”. But why did the CIA, and the State Department’s USAID wait so long to enter the fray after the US government swept clean the nuclear missiles buying them up en masse for peanuts soon after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. Inside the fury of oppositional politics I arrived in Kiev in late 2004 and was struck immediately by the absence of any national student democratic organization to lanch the new generation against the older corrupt master political class. (A.Wilson, Ukraine’s Orange Revolution; <www.>; italics added.)

Less than two years after the popular victory of the people’s so-called “Orange Revolution” during which Yushchenko was severely poisoned and his face (that too had been publicly contested) – the love affair with hope for the future rid of corruption faded and died, badly scarred, with the quick return of the Yanukovich gang loyal to Moscow. In 2010 Ukraine headed to a showdown in the presidential contest. Yushchenko’s five-year term came to an abrupt and climatic end. His popularity falls to new lows. Murders pass unsolved, jails remain empty of the perpetrators and the politicians openly clashed, sometimes violently on camera in parliament for all the world to see that capitalism in the Ukrainian still faces a very hard road ahead. Corruption is widespread and a thorn in the side of Euro-enthusiasts. And his contentious former Prime Minister Ulia Tymoshenko, heroine of the “Orange Revolution”, courts death languishing for years isolated in hospital under guard while facing multiple long prison terms.

In 2013, as I write, Ukrainians, after uninterrupted deprivation, scarcity of goods and government subsidy, suffer two-digit inflation and higher prices for food and clothing, gas and electricity. In October 2008, the Ukrainian national economy suffered a major hit during the global financial meltdown prompting an emergency $16 billion loan from the IMF. With its economy contracting 15 per cent and hit by the IMF’s refusal of a $15 billion bailout by the end of the decade and unaided by lackluster reform efforts, Ukraine’s debt problem grew steadily worse sending the hryvnia, Ukraine’s currency sliding to a three year low. As of late 2012, Ukraine had achieved world status as basketcase default risk rated the six highest of 93 countries, according to a study published by Bloomberg, and reported in London’s Financial Times. (“Ukraine Requests Fresh IMF Bailout”, Financial Times, Nov. 30, 2012)

While it owes the owes the IMF $5.9 billion, and with its weak economy strained by a poor grain harvest, a domestic credit crunch, and reduced demand for steel exports, it’s largest revenue resource, it seems unlikely the country will be able to roll over about $10 billion in external sovereign due in 2013.

Burdened by heavy feelings of betrayal, the Ukrainian population was besieged by an advertising blitz selling the Hollywood-manufactured American dream of market capitalism spear-headed by brand-name corporations led by MacDonalds, Coca-Cola, Gillette, Ford, Phillip Morris tobacco to name a few among the many international firms grabbing market share to the beat of kitsch pop music imports.

After the 2004 election Ukraine rushed to find a place in the new market economy. Inflation rose with the pace of rising real estate values. Ukrainian folk culture stepped in spiritually and artistically rich national traditions added an eerie incongruity to the modern tempo of life. In that climate of public enthusiasm for change and die-hard reactionary blowback to the Stalinist nightmare of stability balanced with that frightening knock on the door in the dark hours of night, President Yushchenko had to walk a political tightrope to combat Holodomor apologists and preserve the memory for a nation of survivors and for the world as its witness.


It staggers the mind to think of the combined global wealth of America’s giant international corporations and the enormous power imposed over less privileged sovereign states. The 1932-34 famine years read like a Pandora Box taking us back to an era when easily identifiable American companies shared key roles in building up the war-based national economies of Nazi fascism in Germany rivaled by Stalin’s Soviet communism.

General Motors, Ford, General Electric (GE), DuPont, IBM are only some of the big name brand companies who were active in that war trade that figured in the extermination of the millions of Ukrainians. DuPont maintained a secret exchange of confidential scientific findings with Nazi chemicals giant IG Farben until 1945; on January 1, 1926, DuPont men arrived at Hamburg, Germany for a secret meeting and signed a “gentleman’s agreement” with agents from Germany’s two huge explosive makers – Dynamit Aktien Gesellschaft (DAG), and Koln Rottweiler, soon both Farben companies. In the deal, both German companies received, according to Gerard Colby who did extensive research into the DuPont family empire holds “the first option of any new processes and products developed by the other. This included black powder, disruptive explosives, smokeless propellants for ‘sporting’ purposes, detonation, safety fuses, powder fuses, and ‘generally all devices for initial detoxication or ignition’.” Writer Gerard Colby observed that the deal opened the door for the German Nazi fascists providing them with access to “all patents and secret inventions covering commercial explosives”.

The 1934 US Senate munitions hearings discover the DuPont ruse to mix commercial explosives with military explosives, and skirts the ban of any sort of German rearmament under the Treaty of Versailles. The DuPonts pleaded innocence but a letter found in DuPont files revealed “that IG Farben had an explosives capacity comparable to ‘a large, rapidly mobilizable force, or a large number of guns, or a fleet”. Writer Gerard Colby found that “Colonel Aiken Simons, head of DuPont’s military sales, wrote DuPont Vice President Casey and gave the State Department’s Allen Dulles as the authority officially confirming the US policy of allowing German arms smuggling to ‘swell’ the reparation fund.” Actually, acknowledged by the Senate Munitions Committee, “Dulles had made this policy clear at the pre-Geneva meetings of 1925.”

Soon the DuPonts begin investing millions in Farben subsidiaries, which include, in 1929, an 80 percent stake in Adam Opel, AG, Germany’s biggest auto manufacturer, and a sum increased to over $33 million by 1931 “giving GM a 100% investment. … A year later, DuPont’s European sales agent, Colonel William Taylor, again reported to Wilmington of German rearmament, including the smuggling of American arms to Nazis by way of the Dutch rivers that flow into Germany. ‘There is a certain amount of contraband among the river shippers,’ he writes, ‘mainly from America. Arms of all kinds. The principal arms coming from America are Thompson submachine guns and revolvers. The number is great.” (G. Colby, 335-7)

Gerard Colby discloses further DuPont’s confidence in the good business of arming Hitler’s Nazis during this dark period of the Holodomor. Remember reader, the Holocaust is just around the corner. “Significantly,” he reveals in 1974, “the only America firm licensed to manufacture and sell the Thompson submachine gun was Federal Laboratories, with which DuPont shared joint sales agencies. In January 1933 Taylor sent another excited report of Dutch gunrunning to Nazis in the Cologne area. Within a month, DuPont made its decision to take a direct plunge into the German munitions smuggling.” (G. Colby, 335-7)

Again we can refer to Colby’s exhaustive inquiry into the DuPont Nazi business: “On February 1, 1933, A. Felix DuPont, Sr., the suave, young-looking head of DuPont’s foreign sales, along with Vice President K.K.V. Casey, secretly met with two Hitler agents, Jungo Giera and Count Westar Westarp was the more easily identifiable of the two; he was a representative of the German General Staff. Giera, however, kept his real identity to himself. Actually, he was Peter Brenner, a former German spy in the United States during World War I who had become a counterspy to avoid US prosecution. After the war Brenner continued sleuthing, selling his talents to at least thirteen different nations.” When it became clear that Germany was going to produce the arms themselves the deal was dropped but not before paying off Giera $25,000 for his silence; the DuPonts would activate Giera later for sales to Japan. Colby wrote that DuPont, together with the British company Imperial Chemicals by 1934 “owned 20 percent of Hitler’s largest munitions makers, DAG, part of the IG Farben combine.” DuPont has other cartel agreements for German rearmament including its ownership of Remington Arms which include German sales of Remington cartridges to the US government. (G. Colby, 337)

Many people knew but seldom spoke of the fact that American companies were building up the world’s most mighty industrial war machines in Berlin and Moscow. Sounds absurd? Read history. Internet will help debunk the lies still popular with high school History 101. Search the bibliographies, read the books with painstaking research of facts brought to light and made easily accessible to inform you intelligently on the business of war and the stakes involved. Dig deep under all the poof and puff.

At any moment in the 1930s the European powder keg could have exploded into another world war. And they knew it. FDR and the Consortium players all knew it too. Rockefeller was even invested in the Nazi death camps, though it is a fact today that might seem so banal that even the extensive network of Rockefeller-owned publishing companies won’t lose any sleep over it. Michael Beschloss writes in The Conquerors (Simon & Schuster, 2002) the Senate investigations over American war preparedness and defense company links to the German cartels helped boost Harry Truman from the corner to top ranks of the Democratic Party and into the White House but with only a $10,000 budget there is little he could do before America entered the war after Pearl. Further Beschloss adds, “Deals between the German behemoth IG Farben and companies such as Standard Oil and Alcoa (Mellon sic) were charged with threatening dangerous wartime shortfalls in magnesium and synthetic rubber.” (Michael Beschloss, The Conquerors, Roosevelt, Truman and the Destruction of Hitler’s Germany, 1941-1945, NY: Simon & Schuster, 2002)

And Antony C. Sutton wrote some three decades earlier, “The US was desperate for such a formula. Standard Oil provided the Nazis with numerous other patents critical to their war effort, and owned a half-interest in the death camp at Auschwitz, together with their partner, IG Farben.”

Fascism was widespread in the elite hallways of power American institutions. It was no secret. FDR and his Secretary of Agriculture and future Vice President Henry Wallace warned Americans about it. Many of the Consortium Nazi war factories were never bombed. Nazi death camps were overlooked as non-strategic targets. Roosevelt and his War Secretary Stimson argued that his business was killing Germans, not saving Jews.

By the early thirties Stalin already had his own peculiar Gulag system of forced labor death camps with vast wilderness of timber and mines and millions more prisoners to replace the millions dead from malnutrition, severe below freezing temperatures and physical exhaustion.

The Jews were next. Time was running out for them, too. Hitler made no secret of that. First, in Germany and the Baltics, then the Ukraine and Belorussia. It would not have surprised shareholders to know that the strategic capability to engage in the massive destruction of the Second World War would not have been possible without the collusion of American and international banks and corporations working in tandem for the socialist reconstruction of Europe and Russia after the Armageddon unleashed in the First World War. Anti-Semitism was not limited to the Nazis. (Daniel J. Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners, Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust, NY: Vintage-Random House, 1996)


Behind most of these huge American corporations of the Consortium reaping colossal fortunes are some of the richest and most prestigious families in America including the Rockefellers, Mellons, DuPonts and Harrimans. Their extensive families are likewise interconnected with their corporate network including National City, National Bank of Commerce and Morgan’s Guaranty Trust all of whom made windfall war fortunes.

For example, JP Morgan and Co., under the direction of Henry Pomeroy Davison was purchasing agent for the Allied Powers, and personally involved on site with the central Bank of London and Paris the London-New York gold shipments vital to secure Allied loans to prolong the war against Germany. No small irony that once America was dragged into the war by the banking fiasco of apocalyptic proportions H. P. Davison (HPD) himself became Chairman of the American Red Cross. The 1934 public Senate hearings into the war trade confirmed that Morgan was the principal bank that maneuvered America into the war.

Harry Davison is JP Morgan’s right-hand man until his last breath. He fell under the national spotlight only a few years before the outbreak of war when he sat alongside America’s giant of finance and skillfully rebutted public scorn and scandal-mongerers at the highly publicized Senate Pujo Committee hearings during eight months between May 1912 and January 1913 over the Money Trust monopolies of millionaires (equivalent to today’s billionaires), and the Congressional inquiry into the Panic of 1907 and the rescue of New York City from financial bankruptcy by Morgan’s elaborate network “of overlapping directorships or interlocking directorates of the top banking houses and major financial institutions” of the United States. It all happened just prior to setting up the national Federal Reserve. It was at that very same time that the Fed system of a centralized national bank, which today controls America’s money supply of deficits and debt was pushed on the newly elected US President Woodrow Wilson who reluctantly signs it into legislation in 1913 – landmark legislation of his first year in office.

The Senate Pujo Committee aimed to prove Wilson’s contention of money and capital “the great monopoly in this country”, and is headed by Samuel Untermeyer (1858-1940), a New York lawyer (Columbia Law School), and the prosperous son of a German Jewish veteran killed in the American Civil War fighting for the Confederate Army. On the stand Pierpont Morgan proved a most willing and cooperative witness “unfailing polite and frank when it came to giving testimony”. Susie Pak observes, “Fundamentally, he acted like someone in charge, and he was not afraid to name names or be held accountable unlike many of the other witnesses.” George Baker, 73, had a harder time of it, naturally unable “to remember everything”. Jacob Schiff proved to be a stunning if not impeccable example of banking stewardship and disposed to exalting the “honor” and “moral responsibility” of the “gentlemen” bankers and attributing their success to individual freedom and character. “We do not make brains,” he said. “Brains are created by a higher Power.” And he admonished the Committee, declaring, “I would not limit, in any instance, individual freedom in anything, because I believe the law of nature governs that better than any law of man.” In the shadows behind the scene Schiff is secretly funding the Bolshevik revolutionaries to overthrow the Russian autocracy and destroy an entire empire. The Morgan partners grew to detest the “beast” Untermeyer; Tom Lamont preferred to have him smeared as an “irresponsible muck-raker”. Suzie Pak describes Untermeyer “by all accounts, a formidable prosecutor”. (S. J. Pak, 26-31)

The Fed then bankrolled the First World War making some choice firms and people fantastically rich and positioned and just long enough for the Americans to get in and clean up while suffering a comparably minimal loss of American lives while forcing Germany to prolong the war until Wilson and the Allies could impose their postwar reconstruction plans for New World Order imposed on the vanquished by their glorious terms of unconditional surrender. Although “HPD” was not Yale and so never eligible to be “tapped” by Yale’s ultra-secret society Skull & Bones, his son Henry Pomeroy Davison, Jr., (“Trubee”), and grandsons Endicott and Daniel (“Coty” & “Danny”) continued the elite tradition of privileged leadership otherwise known as America’s division of the classes as two more of its emboldened initiates. Trubee later becomes chief of personnel at the CIA; eventually the two brothers assumed practiced law and serves a few years a few feet across the hall from Yale University President Kingman Brewster as the President of Yale Corporation, and president and chairman of London’s posh banking firm Morgan Grenfell, senior partner of Morgan Guaranty in New York, before his crowning achievements as head of US Trust. The quixotic younger brother “Danny” Davison who this author was privileged to know, distinguished his exemplary career with a particular uncanny brilliance marked by a quick stringent, at times baffling wit, always elegant, and extremely secretive with an unobtrusive and casual demeanor evolved over a lifetime of smoothly mixing with eccentric aristocrats and royal cousins on the other side of the Atlantic. (Kathleen Burk, Morgan, Grenfell 1838-1988: The Biography of a Merchant Bank, NY: Oxford Univ. Press, 1989)

Danny Davison also married a distinguished woman, a refugee, but not an ordinary Russian refugee of the 1917 Russian Revolution, and there thousands of them, that is, the lucky ones who got managed to escape the Bolsheviks and prosper in exile. Yes, this was a very special Russian, a Tsarist princess, Katusha, of the vastly rich Sheremetyev landowning aristocrats. There name is since immortalized as Moscow’s very own Sheremetyevo airport. Great stories of intrigue and fabulous wealth followed the pleasures and sorrows of the Count and Countess Sheremetyev and their life in their magnificent residence that vividly conjures up illustrious associations with the court of Catherine II when Uvarov once discharged from the Empress’s bedroom is honored with the rank of regimental commander of the Grenadier Guards back “in Petersburg’s dawning days, soon after a branch of that ‘nameless little river’, the Neva…”, as Serena Vitale so graciously enlightens us in her book Pushkin’s Button. When the Count died in 1835 the poet Pushkin (Alexander Sergeevich Pushkin), the most outrageously beloved bard of Czar Alexander and foe of his Ministry’s official censors added to his notoriety– Russia’s “greatest man of literature” and “the most famous poet it has ever had”– when he attempts to plunge into the fortune of the soon-to-be-deceased Dmitry Nikolaevich Sheremetev, only that the young Count stages a remarkable recovery after a near fatal illness and much ceremony, and returns to his domaine of “600,000 desyatins (about 1,627,000 acres and a couple of hundred thousand serfs”. (Serena Vitale, Pushkin’s Button, Transl. A. Goldstein and J. Rothschild, NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1995, 127-32. Pushkin dies in 1837 after a duel to defend his wife’s honor; he survived for 36 hours, time enough to receive a pardon and blessing from the Tsar and assurances “that his wife and little children would be properly cared for. Witnesses are astounded when 50,000 people “of all classes” visited his funeral chamber.)

For his part, the older grandson of HPD, Endicott Peabody Davison, “Coty”, married President Bill Taft’s grand-niece, Jane Ingalls. No coincidence there; US President Taft’s father was co-founder of Skull & Bones in 1832. (Life publishes for June 2012 a special issue, “The Hidden World of Secret Societies”; on the last page dedicated to Skull & Bones, with 1920 member page taken from the yearbook. The Life story has no story. It is just more disinformation revealing no secrets. We are not the secret society, they are. Fifteen names of men are listed under the S & B “322” logo. Three of the names I know very well: Henry Pomeroy Davison, Jr., David Sinton Ingalls and Henry Robinson Luce. Dave Ingalls was the flying ace in the First World War when he volunteered to fly with the British fighter pilots before America entered the war. He was the first ace in the US Navy. His friend Trubee helped create the Yale Unit, fighter pilots under the command of their own squadron before the US Army was in the air. Jane Ingalls married one of his three sons “Coty” Davison; their son David Ingalls Davison graduated Groton and Yale (’77), not a S&B member is a lawyer and flying enthusiast, a staunch Democrat and the most modest and generous person who I have the pleasure of knowing since our youthful days together at Yale. Janie is still very active, recently celebrating her birthday at 87 in 2013, a lover of horses agile and fearless in the saddle, and one of the most kind, and fun-loving people you would ever wish to know. If you visited Wikipedia for Skull & Bones in July 2013, reader we find the S&B photo for the Yale Senior year and there standing in the back row of a group of men for their private group photo besides George Bush, next to the grandfather clock, a few inches from his right ear is Endicott Peabody Davison, son of Trubee. But reader be assured none of this seems to matter anymore, unless as we know from the revealing connections of the Consortium Holodomor story then these names printed on the Skull & Bones card are more than hieroglyphics. These people are real with loving families. You have to have a more than just a name. Or just a face as with the Wikipedia photo with no other name than George Herbert Walker Bush.

Remember what Graham Greene says in The Comedians: “War is Horror. Horror is real.”Otherwise all you have is more of the same disinformation. The Davisons I know are all fine people with families who value traditions as well as their friends and their privacy. It is difficult even painful to imagine that the goodness of innocence is so easily corruptible (if it even exists at all) by the evil of politically ignorant and criminal events and no excuse for good intentions. In Paris my friend from SAIS told me, “History is what it is and that’s what it.” (He was head of the French head of the Gallop pollsters of public opinion). Yes, reader, the Holodomor as these men of Skull & Bones lived not so long ago. William Faulkner wrote, “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.” Remember reader children never choose their parents and the wholeness of the spirit that lives in them and in all of us is greater than the sum of the parts. And the powers that be and the forces in play in that time of the Holodomor are still very much a part of the historicity of our lives and the future.

A year before the war JP Morgan sails away from his banking fortress megapolis never to return, to Europe, convokes the spirits of the ancient Pharaohs at the pyramids in Egypt (and collecting priceless artifact), kneels in prayer to his God with the Pope and, then still in Rome, quietly passed away in his sleep March in 1913. H. P. Davison, assisted principally by Tom Lamont, takes the helm and single-handily transforms the Morgan financial colossus into an even greater empire to secure war loans and fill the Fed vaults with British gold. Once America was officially in the Great War (the Consortium gang had been trading in contraband munitions throughout the so-called neutrality years) Davison then stoically carried the banner freedom and democracy as chairman of the American Red Cross raising millions of dollars from American workers in Liberty Loan fund-raising drives. “HPD” did more than any other American to finance the First World War, and, it can well be argued, to facilitate the popular mobilization of the American masses to support it behind the lines and in the trenches.

In her chapter on the Morgan bank’s syndication of war loans during the First World War Suzie Pak (Gentleman Bankers) marks December 1914 when “the House of Morgan became the buying agent for the British and French governments, essentially ‘coordinating the vast and growing war purchases both countries were making in the United States’.” In fact, the bank was busy straight away that late summer in England arranging the financing for the war with gold shipments from London to New York assuring the extension of armed conflict into total world war so that by 1915 Morgan through its syndicated banking network floated a $500 million Anglo-French loan “organized by Henry P. Davison and managed by Edward R. Stettinius, whom Thomas Lamont recruited” into their firm. By January 1, 1917, four months before America officially enters the war, with the Russian Czar doomed and Davison head of the American Red Cross war lobby, the Morgan war loans total over a billion in financial securities marketed by their partners and friends on Wall Street. This is how it was. Not for the wives and children to know. Dollar-a-year patriots, outstanding men of distinction with cigars and pipes in low voices behind closed doors protected from public scrutiny in their private dens and members only clubs and dining rooms. Exterminators and destroyers of the old world take their turn in the grab for empire. (Suzie J. Pak, Gentlemen Bankers The World of JP Morgan, Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 2013, 112)

Once the Romanov Russian Czar abdicated and was out of the way, president Wilson joined the Allies and Harry Davison on whispering terms with the Windsor Palace as well as the Bank of England micromanaged from his downtown Manhattan office on Wall Street the American Red Cross spy mission to St. Petersburg and Moscow diverting millions of dollars for the Bolshevik coup staged by Lenin, Trotsky and his revolutionary Bolshevik troubadours after Lenin’s arrival at Finland station in a sealed train from Germany.

Writer Eustace Mullins in his book Secrets of the Federal Reserve (1983) astutely observed in Wilson’s April 1917 war message “an incredible tribute to the Communists in Russia who were busy slaughtering the middle class in that unfortunate country.” Wilson declares, “Assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening in Russia. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.” The war had dragged on too long. By the time the Americans arrived to fight a few months snatching up the pieces of falling empires like fruit falling from the tree, there remained a lot of mopping up to do.

After four years of war, by 1918 Europe is in ruins and on the brink of a widespread disease sweeping over borders and out of control. Russia has fallen into a state of utter disintegration. The Romanov monarchy is on the rocks; the center could not hold. After the sudden Armistice Wilson sends US troops to intervene in Russia’s Civil War. America’s brief exodus overseas leaves 108,000 dead US soldiers, with the League of Nations battered in disgraced Versailles negotiations and a scandal of secret treaties. Repudiated morally and politically the President falls seriously ill and retreats into seclusion at home with his wife in the capital. For the 1924 presidential contest and with Harding Republicans, burned and tarnished by highly publicized notoriety over the oil corruption deals of the Teapot Dome navy oil lease scandal, HPD is considered a GOP favorite for the Presidency but he collapses from a brain tumor and is gone. (E. Mullins, Secrets of the Federal Reserve, 1983, 85; G. Colby, DuPont Dynasty)


From the beginning, Morgan’s role in the Russian-Ukrainian nightmare was huge. Averell Harriman and Morgan’s Guaranty Trust together created the first Soviet international bank, Ruskombank. A vice president at the Morgan bank Guaranty Trust, Max May came from Chicago’s First National Bank, in 1904, and was a director at Ruskombank. Max May became its first vice president in charge of its foreign operations. Max May was also an associate of the key Nazi powerbroker and Morgan banker Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht. During the apogee of the Holodomor in early 1933 Schacht emerges as the cornerstone of German rearmament and Hitler’s rise to power. FDR liked to laugh retelling the story when Schacht comes to the White House weeping on the President’s desk and begs FDR to save Germany; after Roosevelt dies that spring 1945 Harriman will warn President Truman that the Russian “barbarians” will have to be held back from sweeping over all of Europe.

This astounded author-engineer-historian Antony C. Sutton who wrote about but never really experienced firsthand the secretive Yale Bones culture. Sutton writes, “an American banker under guidance of a member of The Order had a key post in a Soviet bank!”

Averell Harriman is the closest link to Stalin and Churchill after Hitler invaded in 1941 the key negotiator handling the administration’s Lend-Lease supply line to Great Britain and the Red Army. The significance of this unfolds in the US-Soviet politics of famine from the fall of the Imperial Czarist Empire and the return to Moscow of Lenin and Trotsky.

Other researchers and writers stayed in the loop becoming awed and inspired to pull back the curtains on these makers of mega profits and doom. In his article “Building Communism” in American Opinion (1975) Gary Allen writes, “After the Czar abdicated, Leon Trotsky was sent to Russia from New York on an American passport supplied by Woodrow Wilson. The interim Socialist boss in Moscow was A.F. Kerensky who spent the remainder of his days in New York. When he died he left behind sealed records to be opened after 1987 detailing the ‘conspiratorial organizations modeled on freemasons lodges’ which were responsible for the revolution. It is now clear that an arcane conspiracy, backed by finance capitalists in the United States, has been behind the Reds from the beginning.” But 1987 came and went and nothing apparently was revealed. (Gary Allen, “Building Communism”, American Opinion, Dec. 1975)

The Ukrainian Holodomor had all the trappings of the conspiratorial plot. Only it was much more than that. Murder by man-made famine, by deportations of the peasants in below freezing conditions to Arctic death camps, sent to work on giant industrial projects from Magnitogorsk, to the White Sea Canal, the Volga Canal was normal business under “dekulakisation”. Solzhenitsyn described the chaos and devastation caused by eradication of the peasants already occurring in 1929, a scene repeated in all directions and once prosperous villages during the next five years.

Solzhenitsyn wrote, “Great streams of deported peasants poured through Archangel, and for a time the whole town became one big transit prison. … This was how they lived in that plague-stricken winter. They could not wash. Their bodies were covered with festering sores. Spotted fever developed. People were dying. Strict orders were given to the people of Archangel not to help the special resettlers (as the deported peasants were now called)! Dying peasants roamed the town, but no one could take a single one of them into his home, feed him, or carry tea out to him: the militia seized local inhabitants who tried to do so and took away their passports. A starving man would stagger along the street, stumble, fall – and die. But even the dead could not be picked up (beside the militia, plainclothesmen went around on the lookout for acts of kindness). At the same time market gardeners and livestock breeders from areas near big towns were also being expelled, whole villages at a time (once again – what about the theory that they were supposed to arrest exploiters only?), and the residents of Archangel themselves dreaded deportation. They were afraid even to stop and look down at a dead body. (There was one lying near GPU headquarters, which no one would remove.) They were buried in organized fashion: by the sanitation department. Without coffins, of course, in common graves, next to the old city cemetery on Vologda Street – out in open country. No memorials were erected.” (A. I. Solzhenitsyn, “The Peasant Plague”, The Gulag Archipelago, 1918-1956, An Experiment in Literary Investigation, v. 3, V-VII, 361-2)

In order to accomplish their goals, the Anglo-American Consortium (call it what you will, Order, Elite,– don’t be confused, it’s the same) mixed public policy with private business to profit themselves and corporate shareholders with vast holdings in the companies they controlled. Strategic calculations for short and long-term objectives were the business of the day, and the livelihood of generations of the elite. Their goal was always the same, relentlessly pursued in secrecy and fear to control the accumulation of unlimited power and enormous wealth. And by controlling the public debate from generation to generation – they still do— through a web of ownership of media conglomerates, private institutes, foundations and universities, the depth and magnitude of their penetration of power stretched throughout society virtually unchecked. This Consortium linked first by method and access to the centralized national banks of England and France, then used the Fed’s system of select banks make and finance war, trade in armaments and supplies with belligerents, mobilize national armies, negotiate peace conditions, scheme and intrigue launching reconstruction plans for the conflicts that follow.

Make no mistake about it. There is a ruling class in America. It is mercilessly proud and arrogant when it needs to be but for the most part when seen in public members of the ruling class take special pleasure to appear at ease engendering a consensus of fusion between the national and local community. Of course, with the agenda is always set to serve their ends of continuity of power and control over the comfortable masses. They like to wear a happy smile while appearing unabashfully benign and innocuous, even folksy. The reality is different behind the mask. These same families of extraordinary and exponential wealth assumed the social status that only that kind of wealth can afford and for whom hundreds of thousands dollars are counted as nickels and dimes. They comprise the class that rules and governs, long thought to have been a thing of the past, superseded by the proliferation of fortunes and wealth, but actually meticulously maintained in career positions filtered and selected to advance their agenda decided by their fathers and their fathers, going back generations. In so doing the very rich and chosen few protected and extended their invaluable legacy of wealth, possessions and social reputations. And get away with murder by proxy.

While a relatively miniscule number of members of the capitalist Consortium blithely calculated and accumulated vast fortunes, the Consortium reduced Nazi Germany and the USSR to the status of slave-like client states, vassal proxies, and destroyed the lives of millions of people forever lost in an abyss of ignorance. Stalin reduced the Ukrainians to a statelessness torpor of animal existence. What did they reap in the deal? Nothing but misery, hardship, famine and death inflicted on them by Stalin, Hitler, and Mussolini, all favorite clients of the Anglo-American Consortium of the West. Diplomats and governments they represent ought to be made to pay for their crimes. But how? The Consortium controlled the national and international courts. Do you really believe today they do not? Take your blinders off! The American masses retreat further into passive indifference, bloated inertia unable to march on Washington after the Bush election coup or mount a serious movement of dissent against the give-away of trillions of unaccountable government dollars to the same the banks responsible for the financial meltdown in 2008-2009.

For the supporters of Stalin’s social transformation of Bolshevik Russia into a totalitarian monopoly trading with the West the gain far outweighed the cost counted in dollars, not human lives US relations with Stalin was paved in American dollars and cheap Soviet slave labor without which the investment would not ever have been possible. In fact by 1928 the bankrupt Soviet economy starved of foreign exchange would take only Red gold and dollars to pay for Stalin’s crash Five-Year Plan for national industrialization. During six years of the two Five-Year Plans (July 1929-January 1, 1934) the number of prisoners incarcerated in labor camps increased 23 fold. (Sistema ispravitel’no-trudovjkh lageri v SSR 1923-1960, 35)

By 1928 Stalin was ready to resume the social and economic revolution in Russia. A “Five-Year Plan” was announced to replace the NEP program for a state capitalist monopoly under Soviet communism. From the beginning Stalin’s primary objective of each plant was to satisfy military requirements. Sutton writes, “It is ironic, from the Western viewpoint, that contracts viewed as serving the cause of world peace (Henry Ford, for example, elected to build the Gorki tractor plant to advance peace) should have been utilized immediately for military purposes.” The masses desired peace more than anything so the Consortium let them believe they had it. Rockefeller’s publicist Ivy Lee used this double standard adopted by all public relations employees of private corporations to legitimate and morally condone their business relations with autocratic monopolies.


This was the Americanization of Soviet Industry. Industrial death camps and wheat fields as far as the eye could see but who in America heard the screams of raped, killed and exiled victims of the Soviet state communist system built with American and western technology, credits and loans? Ukrainians were targeted by Stalin because of their strong Slavic national and cultural ethnicity, a serious break-away threat of national resistance. The peasants hated the communists! Young children, old men– few were spared. Death scarred the fertile land with the tides of repression during three decades of Soviet terror. The Consortium had taken the former Russian empire with all its vast and mostly untapped resources, impoverished by institutionalized fear and mistrust, ingrained with centuries of serfdom and the lack of freedom intrinsic to Czarist bureaucracy, and controlled its fate in an arrangement where almost anything was permitted as long as the spies were kept at home. In three decades Tsarist Russia was transformed into a world superpower, a feat not possible without capital, technology and management expertise from the western Consortium players.

At what cost to human life? At what cost to human posterity?

The figures boggle the mind. The Terror-Famine led to even more terrible repressions – and denial. Stalin raised a great hue and cry claiming the whole party was in danger, having been “penetrated” by Trotsky’s spies and foreign agents. Mass arrests, deportations to forced labor camps, and executions included not only the suspects, but also their families, supporters, friends and acquaintances. Guilt by association was reason enough for long prison terms or death. Soviet writer and a former prisoner of the Gulag Alexander I. Solzhenitsyn (b.1918) estimated that some 40 million Soviet citizens lost their lives under Stalin’s rule. The minimum estimate, including the war, stands at 53 million, including World War II, estimated at least at some 27 million lives. However, the exact total number of those killed during collectivization, in the purges up to Stalin’s death in March 1953, and the Second World War is disputed and may never be known. (A. I. Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago, 1918-1956)

Even in Ukraine the name of Rockefeller carries legendary awe and fascination of an impossible dream. While the country slides back into “mafia-type post-communism” and the average salary stagnates under $400 a month the ordinary Ukrainian cannot imagine the capital wealth and power of that much money possessed by a single man. Perhaps, except for Bill Gates who has an uphill battle to end computer piracy where any student for less than two dollars can obtain a complete Microsoft Windows pirate copy CD.

The Rockefeller-Khrushchev story may be more fact than fiction. In 1963, a bad harvest year, it became clear that the central government had not managed to accumulate the reserves of grain required to resist the event of natural calamity. Did the Consortium Rockefeller gang push Khrushchev out during his precipitous departure?

There were frequent bread shortages in many parts of the Soviet Union. After the Patriotic War, in 1947, once again, as in the Holodomor thirties, long lines formed as bread sales were rationed in the gulag state. The southern parts of the country suffered terrible famine, especially, areas such as the Northern Caucasus and southern Ukraine.

Under Khrushchev the Soviet central government began massive purchases of grain from abroad draining available gold reserves. More than 13 million tons of grain are bought. Khrushchev will soon be severely attacked for it; in Stalin’s time the citizens would simply have been left to swell up and die of starvation. But now Rockefeller and the Consortium have new players and a modified agenda. Khrushchev’s Politburo opts to exchange gold for bread distancing himself and his government further from the crimes of Stalin.

The Holodomor grates at the memory of its surviving son who had participated in the Terror-Famine Genocide. The Great Patriotic War ends, the Red Army saves Moscow and takes Berlin, and in less than a decade the immortal and invincible Stalin is dead as a door and eulogized into myth and madness. Ironically Khrushchev’s last desperate attempt to find a way out of the agricultural impasse is connected with the drought and the bad harvest of 1963. His hopes for the extensive development of agriculture through the use of the new lands, particularly in Kazakhstan and Siberia fail. The entire agricultural system has to be transformed. But in order for this to work agriculture had to be intensive even for a country as large and diverse as the USSR. The example of the United States, where 3.5 percent of the population produces enough not only to feed the country but to export huge quantities of food is reason enough that other more efficient methods promise a better way. To some extent Khrushchev hoped to duplicate the American experience, if not surpass it, but his approach is too bombastic and his methods are mechanically unsound. The differences between the two superpowers both economically and socially are so great that the peasant Premier grossly miscalculates the hunger for freedom of its people terrorized and living in a state of stunted growth and deprivation and fear.

Apparently safe in his lofty perch on top of Lenin’s mausoleum in the Kremlin’s Red Square, Stalin,– and here reader allow this reflection in reference to the work of the brilliant religious historian and philosopher Mircea Eliade – “consoled himself for the terror of History”– by transforming into an untouchable modern Asiatic despot. Shortly after the outbreak of the Second World War, FDR is obliged to let multimillionaire industrialist W. Averell (“Ave”) Harriman oversee American military aid to the Moscow front. After the Nazi invasion in June 1941, FDR appoints Harriman with Harry Hopkins to run America’s wartime Lend-Lease emergency war provisions program to London and Moscow and subsequently appointed him ambassador to help Stalin cross his last and final bridge, his Rubicon. After repulsing the German invasion, while insisting for years the West launch a second front, Stalin continued to benefit from massive American wartime equipment one half of which was available for postwar reconstruction and the Cold War. (re. “terror of History”, “Mythologies of Memory and Forgetting”, M. Eliade, Myth and Reality, 137)

In fact, any serious accounting the great Barbarossa invasion of Soviet Russia by Hitler’s generals at the outset is horrifyingly extraordinary and the worst ever battle casualties of any war ever in the recorded history of mankind, well over half-million Russian losses in less than three weeks of fighting. That’s more than the Americans lost in the entire Second World War of 1941 to 1945. For example, Chris Bellamy writes, “The ‘border’ or ‘frontier’ battles lasted from 22 June to 9 July in the Baltic (North-West Front) and Belorussian (Western Front) areas, and until 6 July in western Ukraine and, later, Moldova (the South-Western Front and Southern Front’s Eighteenth Army). The average daily losses were 23,207 in Belorussia, against Army Group Centre, and 16,106 in Western Ukraine, against Army Group South, with some also falling to Ukrainian nationalists.” To the Russians it is called the Great Patriotic War.

The losses were terrifying. An attacking force, with only a modest superiority in numbers of men, and inferior in numbers of tanks, guns and aircraft, had been able to drive the defending Russians back between 300 and 600 kilometers and inflict irrecoverable looses – killed, prisoners and missing, officially numbered at 589,537 in between fifteen and eighteen days. According to that arithmetic, losing more than 44,000 men a day, how much longer could the Soviet Union last”. Bellamy observes that in the first three weeks of combat the Wehrmacht had lost 92,120 or some 3.6 percent of its total strength, killing “one to twelve or thirteen, overall, but only one to five in the air” suffering “only a fraction – between a sixth or a seventh – of the Red Army, air force and NKVD casualties”. (C. Bellamy, 206)

The economic industrial growth of the U.S.S.R, according to G. Warren Nutter’s book, The Growth of Industrial Production in the Soviet Union (1962) in fact greatly benefited from the stimulus of those Consortium Lend-Lease provisions supplying the Soviets with one-third of its prewar industrial output. Separately, writers Sutton and Nutter both traced the emergence of the USSR from the utter destruction and ruin by the War with a powerfully devastating factor concealed in the apparent and immediate advantage assured them by America’s Lend-Lease “pipeline agreement” providing that Lend-Lease supplies continued after the war through 1947 at a time of extreme postwar deprivation and outrageous repressions by Stalin who denied the good Russian people the fruits of their hard sacrifice and victory over Nazi fascism.

Sutton in a similar light concludes, “There is no question that the Soviets ended World War II with greater industrial capacity than in 1940 – in spite of the war damage – and on a technical parity with the United States.” Furthermore, capital flows from the occupied countries significantly contributed to rebuilding the postwar Soviet economy. Soviet forces stripped and transported whatever they could salvage in the reconstruction effort. Sutton found that 25 percent of the economy of the USSR was destroyed by the Germans. Still, Russian factories “were far better off in terms of both capacity and technology by 1946 than before the war when at that time its steel production compared with 70 percent of the Americans. Destroyed facilities were more than replaced by debt repayments and Lend-Lease, and more, importantly, replaced with equipment 10 to 15 years more advanced.” Nor were these observations overlooked by the British and American war strategists. (A. C. Sutton, Western Technology and Soviet Economic Development 1917 to 1930, Hoover Institution Press, Stanford Univ., CA. 345-6. v. II, 1968; G. Warren Nutter, The Growth of Industrial Production in the Soviet Union, Princeton, 1962)


In fact, Lend-Lease fit nicely into FDR’s war strategy consistent with peacetime collaboration with the Soviet Union since the late twenties and well into the thirties. Bellamy writes that rather than Great Britain and Russia becoming straight-out allies, (Churchill only ever refers to the USSR as “Russia”), they engage as “co-belligerents”, they both shared one common enemy and aim “to do Germany all the harm we can”. Some British officers were more explicit and the idea sleeping in the same bed with the Russian Bolsheviks was less than fanciful “for the Russians are a dirty lot of murdering thieves themselves and double-crossers of the deepest dye. It is good to see the two biggest cut-throats in Europe, Hitler and Stalin, going for each other.” (Remark of Lt. General Henry Pownall, Vice-Chief of the Imperial General Staff, Chris Bellamy, Absolute War: Soviet Russia in the Second World War, Knopf, 2007, 409, citing Pownall Diary, in Joan Beaumont, Comrades in Arms: British Aid to Russia, 1941-45, London: Davis Poynter, 1980)

The Russians remained anxious that the British might now make a separate peace with the Germans,” Chris Bellamy writes in Absolute War (2007), “although they reckoned, quite rightly, that the constant British quest for intelligence was to evaluate the length of the breathing space available before Germany smashed Russia and turned back against Britain.” Stalingrad was the great turning point in the war. After the long siege destroying the city and their surrender Germany could never win. However, in the early days of the war, July 12, 1941 with the odds against him Molotov signs a vague mutual agreement with the astute British lawyer and avowed Marxist ambassador Sir Strafford Cripps – not a treaty– for war. They both needed the Americans if they were going to survive; anything less than an unconditional surrender with Germany would be fatal to either London or Moscow.

Bellamy writes, “the Americans were in a quite different position. From a geographical point of view, they had more secure – longer – communications with the western Soviet Union through Alaska and Siberia and allied sea routes through the Arctic Circle, north of Norway, Sweden and Finland and down to Russia through the White Sea to Arkhangel’sk and Murmansk, as well as the northern route through Turkey and Iran.” Even after the US declared war on Japan Stalin is careful not to provoke the Japanese and considered invaluable Lend-Lease convoy shipments to Vladivostok “undesirable.” Instead, Allied convoy ships sailed through German submarine infested waters to reach northern Russia. Of twenty four ships that sailed April 8, 1942 from Iceland bound for Russia only seven arrived, one sank and sixteen turned back. (C. Bellamy, 410-9)

Bellamy’s contemporary book on Russia’s strategic importance on winning the war against Germany is so far the best I have seen on the Lend-Lease aid program. In July 1941 Roosevelt proposed a three-nation committee with Hopkins and Anastas Mikoyan. Bellamy writes in his chapter “Grand Alliance”:“Just after Barbarossa, an opinion poll showed that 54 per cent of those questioned opposed sending munitions to Russia.” FDR promises Stalin “aid to the hilt” and tells the Soviet rep in Washington Comrade Umanskii he can be relied on for his request of $1.8 billion worth of guns, airplanes, ammunition and even an entire war producing industrial plant.

The three-day Moscow Conference takes place September 29 concluding that Great Britain would supply Moscow monthly beginning with “500 tanks, 300 anti-tank guns, plus aluminum, tin, lead molybdenum, cobalt, copper and zinc, and other ‘equipment’. The US would supply 1,250 tons of toluol (toluene) – used to make high-grade aviation fuel – per month, and 100 tons of phosphorous, while the UK would supply $150,000 worth of (industrial diamonds). In fact, only half a million dollars’ worth of aid arrived in November and December – 1 per cent of the amount promised.” (C. Bellamy, 420-1. For sources on Lend-Lease Bellamy refers to Robert Hugh Jones, The Road to Russia: US Lend-Lease to the Soviet Union, (Oklahoma, 1969). Bellamy cites as principal source material, “Wartime International Agreements: Soviet Supply Protocols,” US Department of State, Publication 2759, European Series 22, Washington DC, 1948)

Russia might easily have fallen in 1942 had it not been for the American aid Furthermore, the Japanese, after impressed by Moscow’s fierce defense, opt not to attack the Soviet Union and instead concentrate on the expansion in China, Southeast Asia and the Pacific, and so fall into FDR’s trap for a first-strike against the Americans.

Queried by Molotov, in London in May, Churchill replied that the British Empire and the United States together would defeat Nazi Berlin. By that time the Russians had already lost “their entire prewar army in 1941 – millions of men and women, the equivalent of a small nuclear attack”. On August 12, 1942 Churchill lands at Moscow Central Airport on Leningradskii Prospekt. Stalin doesn’t understand English, and Englishmen less. Due to mechanical problems obliging his advisers Commanding General A. Wavell (postwar Viceroy of India sacked by Attlee in 1947), Sir Alan Brooke and Sir Alexander Cadogan to turn around back to Tehran, Churchill is left virtually on his own, as he prefers, and works out details with Harriman.

Lend-Lease proved to be a lifeline not only for the USSR but also for the West contributing a significant difference in the progress of the Soviet armies against Hitler’s armies. As he had contained the importance of western aid in its industrial and military preparations for war, although it constituted about 15 per cent of the total equipment used by the USSR Stalin and Party leaders tried to play down the role of wartime Lend-Lease.

In particular, almost one-half million American trucks were delivered to the USSR to aid its war effort. The Ukrainian T-34 tanks with their wide tracks and the American-made Studebaker trucks transporting Katushya rocket launchers rallied the Red Army against the highly trained Wehrmacht Panzer forces. Gregorovich’s findings agree with the account that the USA supplied the USSR with “6,430 planes, 3,734 tanks, 104 ships and boats, 210,000 vehicles, 3,000 anti-aircraft guns, 245,000 field telephones, gasoline, aluminum, copper, zinc, steel and five million tons of food. This was enough to feed an army of 12 million every day of the war. Britain supplied 5,800 planes, 4,292 tanks, and 12 minesweepers. Canada supplied 1,188 tanks, 842 armoured cars, nearly one million shells, and 208,000 tons of wheat and flour. The USSR depended on American trucks for its mobility since 427,000 out of 665,000 motor vehicles (trucks and jeeps) at the end of the war were of western origin.” (A. Gregorovich, Forum Ukrainian Review, No. 92, Spring 1995. Scranton, PA; John Mosier’s Deathride (2010) has a unique reassessment of Soviet military numbers and effectiveness against a superior mechanized Nazi Wehrmacht; Max Hasting, Armageddon, 2004)

In Hitler’s petulant illusion for a quick victory by late November 1941, the Germans had planned to feed and fuel their war machine with resources plundered from the Ukraine. “The first German ‘Military-geographical study of European Russia’ was completed by 10 August 1940,” Bellamy writes. “The main targets were Ukraine, which produced 90 per cent of the USSR’s sugar beet, 60 per cent of its coal, 60 per cent of its iron and 20 percent of its wheat, plus Moscow, the capital, and Leningrad. … the competing attractions for these objectives play havoc with the selection and maintenance of Hitler’s aim.” (C. Bellamy, 168)