It staggers the mind to think of the combined global wealth of America’s giant international corporations and the enormous power imposed over less privileged sovereign states. The 1932-34 famine years read like a Pandora Box taking us back to an era when easily identifiable American companies shared key roles in building up the war-based national economies of Nazi fascism in Germany rivaled by Stalin’s Soviet communism.

General Motors, Ford, General Electric (GE), DuPont, IBM are only some of the big name brand companies who were active in that war trade that figured in the extermination of the millions of Ukrainians. DuPont maintained a secret exchange of confidential scientific findings with Nazi chemicals giant IG Farben until 1945; on January 1, 1926, DuPont men arrived at Hamburg, Germany for a secret meeting and signed a “gentleman’s agreement” with agents from Germany’s two huge explosive makers – Dynamit Aktien Gesellschaft (DAG), and Koln Rottweiler, soon both Farben companies. In the deal, both German companies received, according to Gerard Colby who did extensive research into the DuPont family empire holds “the first option of any new processes and products developed by the other. This included black powder, disruptive explosives, smokeless propellants for ‘sporting’ purposes, detonation, safety fuses, powder fuses, and ‘generally all devices for initial detoxication or ignition’.” Writer Gerard Colby observed that the deal opened the door for the German Nazi fascists providing them with access to “all patents and secret inventions covering commercial explosives”.

The 1934 US Senate munitions hearings discover the DuPont ruse to mix commercial explosives with military explosives, and skirts the ban of any sort of German rearmament under the Treaty of Versailles. The DuPonts pleaded innocence but a letter found in DuPont files revealed “that IG Farben had an explosives capacity comparable to ‘a large, rapidly mobilizable force, or a large number of guns, or a fleet”. Writer Gerard Colby found that “Colonel Aiken Simons, head of DuPont’s military sales, wrote DuPont Vice President Casey and gave the State Department’s Allen Dulles as the authority officially confirming the US policy of allowing German arms smuggling to ‘swell’ the reparation fund.” Actually, acknowledged by the Senate Munitions Committee, “Dulles had made this policy clear at the pre-Geneva meetings of 1925.”

Soon the DuPonts begin investing millions in Farben subsidiaries, which include, in 1929, an 80 percent stake in Adam Opel, AG, Germany’s biggest auto manufacturer, and a sum increased to over $33 million by 1931 “giving GM a 100% investment. … A year later, DuPont’s European sales agent, Colonel William Taylor, again reported to Wilmington of German rearmament, including the smuggling of American arms to Nazis by way of the Dutch rivers that flow into Germany. ‘There is a certain amount of contraband among the river shippers,’ he writes, ‘mainly from America. Arms of all kinds. The principal arms coming from America are Thompson submachine guns and revolvers. The number is great.” (G. Colby, 335-7)

Gerard Colby discloses further DuPont’s confidence in the good business of arming Hitler’s Nazis during this dark period of the Holodomor. Remember reader, the Holocaust is just around the corner. “Significantly,” he reveals in 1974, “the only America firm licensed to manufacture and sell the Thompson submachine gun was Federal Laboratories, with which DuPont shared joint sales agencies. In January 1933 Taylor sent another excited report of Dutch gunrunning to Nazis in the Cologne area. Within a month, DuPont made its decision to take a direct plunge into the German munitions smuggling.” (G. Colby, 335-7)

Again we can refer to Colby’s exhaustive inquiry into the DuPont Nazi business: “On February 1, 1933, A. Felix DuPont, Sr., the suave, young-looking head of DuPont’s foreign sales, along with Vice President K.K.V. Casey, secretly met with two Hitler agents, Jungo Giera and Count Westar Westarp was the more easily identifiable of the two; he was a representative of the German General Staff. Giera, however, kept his real identity to himself. Actually, he was Peter Brenner, a former German spy in the United States during World War I who had become a counterspy to avoid US prosecution. After the war Brenner continued sleuthing, selling his talents to at least thirteen different nations.” When it became clear that Germany was going to produce the arms themselves the deal was dropped but not before paying off Giera $25,000 for his silence; the DuPonts would activate Giera later for sales to Japan. Colby wrote that DuPont, together with the British company Imperial Chemicals by 1934 “owned 20 percent of Hitler’s largest munitions makers, DAG, part of the IG Farben combine.” DuPont has other cartel agreements for German rearmament including its ownership of Remington Arms which include German sales of Remington cartridges to the US government. (G. Colby, 337)

Many people knew but seldom spoke of the fact that American companies were building up the world’s most mighty industrial war machines in Berlin and Moscow. Sounds absurd? Read history. Internet will help debunk the lies still popular with high school History 101. Search the bibliographies, read the books with painstaking research of facts brought to light and made easily accessible to inform you intelligently on the business of war and the stakes involved. Dig deep under all the poof and puff.

At any moment in the 1930s the European powder keg could have exploded into another world war. And they knew it. FDR and the Consortium players all knew it too. Rockefeller was even invested in the Nazi death camps, though it is a fact today that might seem so banal that even the extensive network of Rockefeller-owned publishing companies won’t lose any sleep over it. Michael Beschloss writes in The Conquerors (Simon & Schuster, 2002) the Senate investigations over American war preparedness and defense company links to the German cartels helped boost Harry Truman from the corner to top ranks of the Democratic Party and into the White House but with only a $10,000 budget there is little he could do before America entered the war after Pearl. Further Beschloss adds, “Deals between the German behemoth IG Farben and companies such as Standard Oil and Alcoa (Mellon sic) were charged with threatening dangerous wartime shortfalls in magnesium and synthetic rubber.” (Michael Beschloss, The Conquerors, Roosevelt, Truman and the Destruction of Hitler’s Germany, 1941-1945, NY: Simon & Schuster, 2002)

And Antony C. Sutton wrote some three decades earlier, “The US was desperate for such a formula. Standard Oil provided the Nazis with numerous other patents critical to their war effort, and owned a half-interest in the death camp at Auschwitz, together with their partner, IG Farben.”

Fascism was widespread in the elite hallways of power American institutions. It was no secret. FDR and his Secretary of Agriculture and future Vice President Henry Wallace warned Americans about it. Many of the Consortium Nazi war factories were never bombed. Nazi death camps were overlooked as non-strategic targets. Roosevelt and his War Secretary Stimson argued that his business was killing Germans, not saving Jews.

By the early thirties Stalin already had his own peculiar Gulag system of forced labor death camps with vast wilderness of timber and mines and millions more prisoners to replace the millions dead from malnutrition, severe below freezing temperatures and physical exhaustion.

The Jews were next. Time was running out for them, too. Hitler made no secret of that. First, in Germany and the Baltics, then the Ukraine and Belorussia. It would not have surprised shareholders to know that the strategic capability to engage in the massive destruction of the Second World War would not have been possible without the collusion of American and international banks and corporations working in tandem for the socialist reconstruction of Europe and Russia after the Armageddon unleashed in the First World War. Anti-Semitism was not limited to the Nazis. (Daniel J. Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners, Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust, NY: Vintage-Random House, 1996)